@article{Michailovsky2011b,

title = {A simple architecture for the fine-grained documentation of endangered languages: The LACITO multimedia archive},

author = {Boyd Michailovsky and Alexis Michaud and Séverine Guillaume},

doi = {10.1109/ICSDA.2011.6085973},

year  = {2011},

date = {2011-10-01},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2011k,

title = {Appendix to Approaching the historical phonology of three highly eroded Sino-Tibetan languages: Naxi, Na and Laze},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Guillaume Jacques},

url = {https://benjamins.com/catalog/dia.28.4.02jac/additional/02jac.additional.pdf},

doi = {10.1075/dia.28.4.02jac.additional},

issn = {0176-4225},

year  = {2011},

date = {2011-01-01},

journal = { Diachronica},

volume = {28},

number = {4},

pages = {1–25},

abstract = {Naxi, Na and Laze are three languages whose position within Sino-Tibetan is controversial. We propose that they are descended from a common ancestor (‘Proto-Naish’). Unlike conservative languages of the family, such as Rgyalrong and Tibetan, which have consonant clusters and final consonants, Naxi, Na and Laze share a simple syllabic structure (consonant+glide+vowel+tone) due to phonological erosion. This raises the issue of how the regular phonological correspondences between these three languages should be interpreted, and what phonological structure should be reconstructed for Proto-Naish. The regularities revealed by comparing the three languages are interpreted in light of potential cognates in conservative languages. This brings out numerous cases of phonetic conditioning of vowels by place of articulation of a preceding consonant or consonant cluster. Overall, these findings warrant a relatively optimistic conclusion concerning the feasibility of unraveling the phonological history of highly eroded language subgroups within Sino-Tibetan.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2011m,

title = {Do we need tone features?},

author = {Alexis Michaud and G.N. Clements and Cedric Patin},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00456364},

doi = {https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110246223.3},

year  = {2011},

date = {2011-01-01},

journal = {De Gruyter Mouton},

pages = {3-24},

abstract = {In the earliest work on tone languages, tones were treated as atomic units: High, Mid, Low, High Rising, etc. Universal tone features were introduced into phonological theory by Wang 1967 by analogy to the universal features commonly used in segmental phonology. The implicit claim was that features served the same functions in tonal phonology as in segmental phonology. However, with the advent of autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith 1976), much of the original motivation for tone features disappeared. Contour tones in many languages were reanalyzed as sequences of simple level tones, calling into question the need for tonal features such as [±falling]. Processes of tone copy such as L(ow) > H(igh) / __ H(igh) were reinterpreted as tone spreading instead of feature assimilation. At about the same time, a better understanding of downstep emerged which allowed many spurious tone levels to be eliminated. As a result, in spite of the vast amount of work on tone languages over the past thirty years, the number of phenomena that appear to require tone features has become significantly reduced, raising the issue whether the notion of tone features is at all useful. This paper first reviews the basic functions for which segmental features have been proposed, and then examines the evidence that tone features are needed to serve these or other functions in tone languages. The discussion focuses successively on level tones, contour tones, and register, building on examples from Africa and Asia. Our current evaluation of the evidence is that tone features, to the extent that they appear motivated at all, do not serve the same functions as segmental features.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2011l,

title = {Tone systems in East Asia: typology, evolutionary patterns and modeling},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00436458},

doi = {10.1163/9589514-037-01-900000015},

issn = {1958-9514},

year  = {2011},

date = {2011-01-01},

urldate = {2011-01-01},

journal = {Language Facts},

volume = {37},

number = {1},

pages = {247-261},

abstract = {This contribution summarizes some major advances made in the study of East Asian tonal systems, and discusses their implications for tonal typology and phonological modeling. Phonological and typological works give a relatively limited place to languages ​​in which the tones are not defined simply in terms of pitch, and do not lend themselves to a decomposition into tonal levels (for example Tamang and Vietnamese). These languages ​​certainly lack morpho-phonological appeal, being devoid of tonal alternations. They nevertheless present a very real complexity, which must be taken into consideration in phonological modeling and typological generalizations. The panorama presented here brings us back to a distinction proposed more than half a century (Pike 1948) between two types of tonal organization: on the one hand the punctual tonal systems *, on the other hand the complex tonal systems *. To deepen this synchronic distinction, special attention is paid to the evolution of tonal systems: the facts of evolution are indeed excellent revealers of the nature of phonological systems.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2010e,

title = {Tones and phonemes that are on the verge of disappearing in the Mosuo dialect in Yongning District, Lijiang City, Yunnan Province},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Dashi Latami},

editor = {Zhang Bo},

year  = {2010},

date = {2010-12-01},

journal = {Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House},

pages = {344-355},

abstract = {This article describes the tones and phonemes in the Yongning Mosuo dialect that are on the verge of disappearing. If some features of Yongning Mosuo dialect do not exist in the local Chinese dialect (Southwest Mandarin) and Mandarin Chinese, then these features are on the verge of disappearing. The author of this article conducted a survey and comparison among Mosuo people of different language proficiency. The first section describes the tone: the tone system of Mosuo dialect is very rich, and several of its important features are typical examples that are on the verge of disappearing. The second section describes phonemes: initials and finals. Through these analyses, we will be able to further understand the specific situation of the simplification of the language phoneme system today.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2010f,

title = {A Study on the Phoneme System of Naxi (Nayu) in the Cultural Village of the Gucheng District of Lijiang City},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Xueguang He},

year  = {2010},

date = {2010-10-01},

urldate = {2010-10-01},

journal = {Yunnan University Press},

volume = {1},

pages = {190-202},

abstract = {The version deposited on HAL is more readable than the published version, because at the layout stage, publishers facing difficulties with special characters resorted to low-resolution rasterization of the electronic PDF manuscript that had been given to them. sent at the same time as the DOC version.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2010c,

title = {A description of endangered phonemic contrasts in Yongning Na (Mosuo)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Dashi Latami},

year  = {2010},

date = {2010-01-01},

journal = {Intellectual property publishing house, Beijing},

pages = {55-71},

abstract = {The investigation concerns phonemic contrasts (including tonal contrasts) that are under a severe danger of disappearing from the Na language spoken in the plain of Yongning (Ninglang prefecture, Lijiang municipality, Yunnan province, China). This language belongs to the Sino-Tibetan family; it is also known as “Mosuo” and “Yongning dialect of Eastern Naxi”. The overall tendency is, unsurprisingly, that the phonemic contrasts found in Mosuo but not in Mandarin Chinese tend to become lost by the speakers who are most proficient in Chinese. We discuss several examples in detail. Among other consonants, Na contrasts /l/，/ɬ/，/ʁ/，and /ɻ/; this set is fully preserved in the speech of a 55-year-old speaker, whereas in the speech of a schoolgirl (currently in senior high school) the four have simplified to /l/: /Mli/ “to look” and /Mɬi/“ear; moon” have both simplified to /li/; the syllables /ʁæ/ and /ɻæ/ in /Mʁæ.mi/“sword” and /#Hkʰwæ.ɻæ/ “satin” all simplified to /læ/. In-between these two extremes, in the speech of a speaker aged 35, these phonemic contrasts are preserved but their lexical distribution is becoming somewhat imperfect. For instance, she pronounces the word “sword”, /Mʁæ.mi/, which is not in common use anymore, as /Mɻæ.mi/; this example arguably constitutes an indication that the opposition between /ʁ/ and /ɻ/ is weakening. As far as tones are concerned, the differences between the oldest generations and the speakers under 60 years set in sharp relief the complexities of the tonal system of Na: the contrasts that are neutralized in citation form tend to be overlooked by the less proficient speakers, leading to a major transformation of the architecture of the tonal system.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2010d,

title = {Insights into Naxi and Pumi at the end of the 19th century: Evidence on sound changes from the word lists by Charles-Eudes Bonin},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Guillaume Jacques},

doi = {10.1163/1960602810X00052},

year  = {2010},

date = {2010-01-01},

journal = { Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale},

volume = {39},

number = {1},

abstract = {The word lists published in 1903 by C.-E. Bonin for several languages of East Asia are highly rudimentary; the transcription is based on French spelling conventions. These lists nonetheless provide hints about the pronunciation of these languages at the end of the 19th century. We examine two of Bonin's lists in light of more recent and more systematic descriptions of the same languages, looking for evidence about phonetic evolutions. The Naxi word list offers hints about the pronunciation of vowels /i/, /y/ and /o/ and the degree of palatalization of velars before high front vowels. The list for Pumi shows that the initial cluster /st-/ was still present at the time in the dialect recorded.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2010g,

title = {A description of endangered phonemic contrasts in Yongning Na (Mosuo)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Dashi Latami},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00512028},

year  = {2010},

date = {2010-01-01},

journal = {Intellectual property publishing},

pages = {55-71},

abstract = {The investigation concerns phonemic contrasts (including tonal contrasts) that are under a severe danger of disappearing from the Na language spoken in the plain of Yongning (Ninglang prefecture, Lijiang municipality, Yunnan province, China). This language belongs to the Sino-Tibetan family; it is also known as “Mosuo” and “Yongning dialect of Eastern Naxi”. The overall tendency is, unsurprisingly, that the phonemic contrasts found in Mosuo but not in Mandarin Chinese tend to become lost by the speakers who are most proficient in Chinese. We discuss several examples in detail. Among other consonants, Na contrasts /l/，/ɬ/，/ʁ/，and /ɻ/; this set is fully preserved in the speech of a 55-year-old speaker, whereas in the speech of a schoolgirl (currently in senior high school) the four have simplified to /l/: /Mli/ “to look” and /Mɬi/“ear; moon” have both simplified to /li/; the syllables /ʁæ/ and /ɻæ/ in /Mʁæ.mi/“sword” and /#Hkʰwæ.ɻæ/ “satin” all simplified to /læ/. In-between these two extremes, in the speech of a speaker aged 35, these phonemic contrasts are preserved but their lexical distribution is becoming somewhat imperfect. For instance, she pronounces the word “sword”, /Mʁæ.mi/, which is not in common use anymore, as /Mɻæ.mi/; this example arguably constitutes an indication that the opposition between /ʁ/ and /ɻ/ is weakening. As far as tones are concerned, the differences between the oldest generations and the speakers under 60 years set in sharp relief the complexities of the tonal system of Na: the contrasts that are neutralized in citation form tend to be overlooked by the less proficient speakers, leading to a major transformation of the architecture of the tonal system.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2010h,

title = {Insights into Naxi and Pumi at the end of the 19th century: Evidence on sound changes from the word lists by Charles-Eudes Bonin},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Guillaume Jacques},

doi = {10.1163/1960602810X00052},

issn = {1960-6028},

year  = {2010},

date = {2010-01-01},

journal = {Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale},

volume = {39},

number = {1},

pages = {21–40},

abstract = {The word lists published in 1903 by C.-E. Bonin for several languages of East Asia are highly rudimentary; the transcription is based on French spelling conventions. These lists nonetheless provide hints about the pronunciation of these languages at the end of the 19th century. We examine two of Bonin's lists in light of more recent and more systematic descriptions of the same languages, looking for evidence about phonetic evolutions. The Naxi word list offers hints about the pronunciation of vowels /i/, /y/ and /o/ and the degree of palatalization of velars before high front vowels. The list for Pumi shows that the initial cluster /st-/ was still present at the time in the dialect recorded.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2009,

title = {Approaching the prosodic system of Shixing},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Katia Chirkova},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-07-01},

journal = {Language and Linguistics},

volume = {3},

number = {3},

pages = {539-568},

abstract = {This article focuses on the prosodic organization of Shixing, a tonal Sino-Tibetan language spoken in the South-West of China. It is essentially based on an experiment that explores the derivational relationship between the three contrastive tones on monosyllables, /H/, /L/ and /HL/, and the three contrastive tones on phonological words of two syllables or more, likewise /H/, /L/ and /HL/. The process of tone derivation in phonological words of two syllables or more is determined by the presence or absence of lexical tone on the initial element of the phonological word (a morpheme or a word) as well as by the length and compo-sition of the phonological word. The observed phenomena of tone derivation are here explained under the assumption that a prosodic domain in Shixing is characterized by metrical stress, which is the location for the insertion of either of the three lexical tones. The default location of stress is domain-initial. The lexical tone of a stressed syllable in initial position spreads onto the remaining syllables, followed, in the case of the lexical /L/ tone, by the addition of a postlexical [H] tone. In tonal domains that begin with a toneless syllable (e.g. prefix or proclitic), stress is shifted to the first stressable syllable to its right; the contrast between /L/ and /HL/ neutralizes to /L/, while /H/ remains unchanged. When the first stressable syllable is two syllables apart from the domain-initial position, all three tones are neutralized to /L/.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2009c,

title = {Approaching the prosodic system of Shixing},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Katia Chirkova},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00336149},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-07-01},

journal = {Language and Linguistics},

volume = {10},

number = {3},

pages = {539-568},

abstract = {This article focuses on the prosodic organization of Shixing, a tonal Sino-Tibetan language spoken in the South-West of China. It is essentially based on an experiment that explores the derivational relationship between the three contrastive tones on monosyllables, /H/, /L/ and /HL/, and the three contrastive tones on phonological words of two syllables or more, likewise /H/, /L/ and /HL/. The process of tone derivation in phonological words of two syllables or more is determined by the presence or absence of lexical tone on the initial element of the phonological word (a morpheme or a word) as well as by the length and compo-sition of the phonological word. The observed phenomena of tone derivation are here explained under the assumption that a prosodic domain in Shixing is characterized by metrical stress, which is the location for the insertion of either of the three lexical tones. The default location of stress is domain-initial. The lexical tone of a stressed syllable in initial position spreads onto the remaining syllables, followed, in the case of the lexical /L/ tone, by the addition of a postlexical [H] tone. In tonal domains that begin with a toneless syllable (e.g. prefix or proclitic), stress is shifted to the first stressable syllable to its right; the contrast between /L/ and /HL/ neutralizes to /L/, while /H/ remains unchanged. When the first stressable syllable is two syllables apart from the domain-initial position, all three tones are neutralized to /L/.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2009b,

title = {Research on the Tone System of Muli Paddy Dialect},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-01-01},

journal = {Minority Languages ​​of China (Minzu Yuwen National Languages},

volume = {6},

pages = {28-33},

abstract = { This article presents the tonal system of Laze, a.k.a. Muli Shuitian, a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in Sichuan. It is structured in terms of H(igh), M(id) and L(ow) levels, like in the closely related languages Naxi and Na. Tone sandhi plays a morphosyntactic role in Laze. There exist four lexical tones for Laze monosyllables: H, M, L and MH; in theory, this could yield as many as sixteen tone patterns over disyllables, but fewer are observed. The present research places special emphasis on (i) tonal changes in the combination of verbs with clitics: productive, synchronic sandhi rules, and (ii) tonal changes accompanying the lexicalization of compound nouns and of predicates made up of a noun plus a verb.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Vaissiere2009,

title = {Perceptual transcription and acoustic data},

author = {Jacqueline Vaissiere and Alexis Michaud},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-01-01},

abstract = {On the basis of fieldwork on a Tibeto-Burman language, Yongning Na, some reflections are offered on three interrelated issues: (i) To what extent does perceived allophonic variation correspond to articulatory/acoustic reality, to what extent does it merely reflect the investigator’s perceptual expectations? (ii) How can acoustic data help select International Phonetic Alphabet symbols for the phonemic units brought out by distributional analysis? (iii) How can acoustic data help characterise the vowels and consonants encountered in fieldwork, both in a structural (language-internal) perspective, and in a cross-language perspective?},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2009d,

title = {Research on the Tone System of Muli Paddy Dialect},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-01-01},

journal = {Minority Languages ​​of China (Minzu Yuwen National Languages},

volume = {6},

pages = {28-33},

abstract = {This article focuses on the tone system of Muli Paddy Dialect. The tonal changes of Paddy Dialect play an important grammatical role. Sichuan Muli paddy field dialect has three basic tones, and on this basis, the fourth tone is produced. The change of tones is closely related to grammar. This article focuses on the paddy field dialect's tonal system and its grammatical function.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2008e,

title = {Tones and intonation: Some current challenges},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

editor = {Rudolph Sock and Susanne Fuchs and Yves Laprie},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00325982},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-12-01},

pages = {13-18},

abstract = {It is well established that lexical tones and intonation are not mutually exclusive. Moreover, the presence or absence of lexical tones in a language does not by itself constitute a fundamental typological divide for intonation systems. Two dimensions of typological diversity are brought out: (i) concerning lexical tone systems, it is suggested that the analysis of contour tones into sequences of levels, which has clearly demonstrated its validity for numerous languages, does not actually apply to all; (ii) concerning intonation systems, it is suggested that languages differ in whether – and to what extent – they have ‘intonational tones', i.e. tones of intonational origin that are structurally similar to lexical tones. ‘Intonational tones' strictly speaking appear to be relatively rare. A hypothesis is set out concerning the relationship between the nature of the lexical tone system of a language and that of its intonation system: it is suggested that the encoding of intonational phenomena in terms of tones tends to thrive in languages that have a lexical system of level tones – by a process of tonal reinterpretation of intonation –whereas languages that have non-decomposable contour tones tend not to have tonal intonation.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2008c,

title = {Reflections about the phonemic analysis of Yongning Na (Tibeto-Burman): perceptual transcription and acoustic data},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Jacqueline Vaissiere},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-04-20},

abstract = {A preliminary phonemic inventory of the dialect of the Na language spoken in Yongning, China (a.k.a. Eastern Naxi 纳西语东部方言/ Mosuo 摩梭话) is presented, on the basis of first-hand fieldwork data. Some reflections are offered on three interrelated issues commonly encountered in fieldwork, namely (i) To what extent does perceived allophonic variation correspond to articulatory/acoustic reality, to what extent does it merely reflect the investigator’s perceptual expectations? (ii) How can acoustic data help select International Phonetic Alphabet symbols for the phonemic units brought out by distributional analysis? (iii) How can acoustic data help characterise the vowels and consonants encountered in fieldwork, both in a structural (language-internal) perspective, and in a cross-language perspective?},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2008d,

title = {Tonal Contrasts and Initial Consonants: A Case Study of Tamang, a ‘Missing Link’ in Tonogenesis},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Martine Mazaudon},

doi = {10.1159/000192794},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-02-01},

journal = {Phonetica},

volume = {65},

number = {4},

pages = {231-256},

abstract = {Tamang (Bodic division of Tibeto-Burman) is spoken at the edge of the East Asian 'tone-prone' zone, next to the almost tone-free Indian linguistic area, and is, chronologically, at the late end of the tone multiplication wave which has swept through East Asia in the course of the last two millennia. It can be regarded as a 'missing link' in tonogenesis: following the loss of voicing contrasts on syllable-initial consonants, Tamang has four tonal categories instead of its earlier two-tone system; the present state of the prosodic system is typologically transitional, in that these four tonal categories are realised by several cues which include fundamental frequency (F(0)), phonation type, and allophonic variation in the realisation of consonants. Acoustic and electroglottographic recordings of 131 words in two carrier sentences by 5 speakers were conducted (total number of target syllables analysed: n = 1,651). They allow for a description in terms of F(0), glottal open quotient, duration, and realisation of consonants. The results confirm the diversity of cues to the four tonal categories, and show evidence of laxness on tones 3 and 4, i.e. on the two tones which originate diachronically in voiced initials. The discussion hinges on the phonological definition of tone.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2008,

title = {Tones and intonation: Some current challenges},

author = {Alexis Michaud

},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

abstract = {It is well established that lexical tones and intonation are not mutually exclusive. Moreover, the presence or absence of lexical tones in a language does not by itself constitute a fundamental typological divide for intonation systems. Two dimensions of typological diversity are brought out: (i) concerning lexical tone systems, it is suggested that the analysis of contour tones into sequences of levels, which has clearly demonstrated its validity for numerous languages, does not actually apply to all; (ii) concerning intonation systems, it is suggested that languages differ in whether – and to what extent – they have ‘intonational tones', i.e. tones of intonational origin that are structurally similar to lexical tones. ‘Intonational tones' strictly speaking appear to be relatively rare. A hypothesis is set out concerning the relationship between the nature of the lexical tone system of a language and that of its intonation system: it is suggested that the encoding of intonational phenomena in terms of tones tends to thrive in languages that have a lexical system of level tones – by a process of tonal reinterpretation of intonation –whereas languages that have non-decomposable contour tones tend not to have tonal intonation.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2008b,

title = {Phonemic and tonal analysis of Yongning Na},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

doi = {10.1163/1960602808X00064},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

journal = {Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale},

volume = {37},

number = {2},

abstract = {The Na language spoken in the village of Yongning, close to the border between Yunnan and Sichuan, has been classified as an Eastern Naxi dialect in the pioneering survey conducted by Chinese linguists. It is also referred to as ‘Mosuo’. The phonemic and tonal analysis presented here on the basis of first-hand fieldwork aims to serve as a basis for linguistic documentation and research, from the accurate transcription of recorded materials to fine-grained synchronic and diachronic investigations. The ultimate aim is an in-depth understanding of Na, Naxi and other closely related language varieties, including an account of their historical relationships and their links with other Tibeto-Burman languages.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2008f,

title = {Phonemic and tonal analysis of Yongning Na},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

doi = {10.1163/1960602808X00064},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

journal = {Cahiers de linguistique-Asie Orientale},

volume = {37},

number = {2},

pages = {159-196},

abstract = {The Na language spoken in the village of Yongning, close to the border between Yunnan and Sichuan, has been classified as an Eastern Naxi dialect in the pioneering survey conducted by Chinese linguists. It is also referred to as ‘Mosuo’. The phonemic and tonal analysis presented here on the basis of first-hand fieldwork aims to serve as a basis for linguistic documentation and research, from the accurate transcription of recorded materials to fine-grained synchronic and diachronic investigations. The ultimate aim is an in-depth understanding of Na, Naxi and other closely related language varieties, including an account of their historical relationships and their links with other Tibeto-Burman languages.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007,

title = {Reassociated tones and coalescent syllables in Naxi (Tibeto-Burman)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Xueguang He},

doi = {10.1017/S002510030700309X},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-12-01},

journal = {Journal of the International Phonetic Association},

volume = {37},

number = {3},

pages = {237 - 255},

abstract = {The Western dialect of Naxi has four lexical tones: High, Mid, Low and Rising; the latter is rare in the lexicon. Rising contours on monosyllables are frequent in connected speech, however, as a result of a process of syllable reduction: reduction of a morpheme carrying the High tone results in re-association of its tone to the syllable that precedes it in the sentence, creating a rising contour. An experiment (with one speaker and five listeners) establishes that there is not only one rising contour that originates in tonal reassociation, as reported in earlier descriptions, but two: Low-to-High and Mid-to-High—as could be expected by analogy with phenomena observed in Niger-Congo languages and elsewhere. A second set of experiments (same speaker; six listeners) investigates the reduction of Mid- and Low-tone syllables: they reduce to [ə̄] and [ə̀], respectively, and coalesce with the preceding syllable (in Naxi, syllabic structure is simply consonant+glide+vowel). Unlike High-tone syllable reduction, this process stops short of complete tonal de-linking. These experiments aim to provide a complete picture of syllable reduction patterns in Naxi. It is argued that the notions of floating tones and tonal reassociation can be usefully applied to the Naxi data.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007l,

title = {Reassociated tones and coalescent syllables in Naxi (Tibeto-Burman)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Xueguang He},

doi = {10.1017/S002510030700309X},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-12-01},

journal = {Journal of the International Phonetic Association},

volume = {37},

number = {3},

pages = {237-255},

abstract = {The Western dialect of Naxi has four lexical tones: High, Mid, Low and Rising; the latter is rare in the lexicon. Rising contours on monosyllables are frequent in connected speech, however, as a result of a process of syllable reduction: reduction of a morpheme carrying the High tone results in re-association of its tone to the syllable that precedes it in the sentence, creating a rising contour. An experiment (with one speaker and five listeners) establishes that there is not only one rising contour that originates in tonal reassociation, as reported in earlier descriptions, but two: Low-to-High and Mid-to-High—as could be expected by analogy with phenomena observed in Niger-Congo languages and elsewhere. A second set of experiments (same speaker; six listeners) investigates the reduction of Mid- and Low-tone syllables: they reduce to [ə̄] and [ə̀], respectively, and coalesce with the preceding syllable (in Naxi, syllabic structure is simply consonant+glide+vowel). Unlike High-tone syllable reduction, this process stops short of complete tonal de-linking. These experiments aim to provide a complete picture of syllable reduction patterns in Naxi. It is argued that the notions of floating tones and tonal reassociation can be usefully applied to the Naxi data.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007b,

title = {Pitch and Voice Quality Characteristics of the Lexical Word-Tones of Tamang, as Compared with Level Tones (Naxi data) and Pitch-plus-VoiceQuality Tones (Vietnamese data)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Martine Mazaudon},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-04-05},

journal = {Technische Universit Darmstadt Press},

pages = {819-822},

abstract = { Pitch and voice quality characteristics of the lexical word-tones of Tamang, as compared with level tones (Naxi data) and pitch-plus-voice-quality tones (Vietnamese data) Abstract The tones of Tamang (Sino-Tibetan family) involve both F 0 and voice quality characteristics: two of the four tones (tones 3 and 4) were reported to be breathy in studies from the 1970s. For the present research (thirty years later), audio and electroglottographic data were collected from 5 speakers of the Risiangku dialect in their 30s or 40s. Voice quality is estimated by computing the glottal open quotient. The present results bear on 788 syllables (from a corpus of 6,500). They show that in the speech of three speakers (M2, M3, M5), tones 3 and 4 have a higher open quotient (which provides an indirect cue to the degree of breathiness) than tones 1 and 2, with tone 3 more clearly so than tone 4, especially for speaker M2. The difference in open quotient between the four tones for the other two speakers is negligible or inconsistent. The Tamang data are compared with similar data from Naxi, which possesses level tones, and from Vietnamese, which possesses pitch-plus-voice-quality tones. The comparison brings out the great variability of Tamang tones in terms of F 0 , as well as in terms of open quotient. The present results appear to confirm that Tamang tones possess several correlates; they offer an insight on ongoing change in the prosodic system of Tamang.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007m,

title = {Pitch and voice quality characteristics of the lexical word-tones of Tamang, as compared with level tones (Naxi data) and pitch-plus-voice-quality tones (Vietnamese data)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Martine Mazaudon},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00134939},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-04-05},

journal = {Technische Universit Darmstadt Press},

pages = {823-826},

abstract = {Pitch and voice quality characteristics of the lexical word-tones of Tamang, as compared with level tones (Naxi data) and pitch-plus-voice-quality tones (Vietnamese data) Abstract The tones of Tamang (Sino-Tibetan family) involve both F 0 and voice quality characteristics: two of the four tones (tones 3 and 4) were reported to be breathy in studies from the 1970s. For the present research (thirty years later), audio and electroglottographic data were collected from 5 speakers of the Risiangku dialect in their 30s or 40s. Voice quality is estimated by computing the glottal open quotient. The present results bear on 788 syllables (from a corpus of 6,500). They show that in the speech of three speakers (M2, M3, M5), tones 3 and 4 have a higher open quotient (which provides an indirect cue to the degree of breathiness) than tones 1 and 2, with tone 3 more clearly so than tone 4, especially for speaker M2. The difference in open quotient between the four tones for the other two speakers is negligible or inconsistent. The Tamang data are compared with similar data from Naxi, which possesses level tones, and from Vietnamese, which possesses pitch-plus-voice-quality tones. The comparison brings out the great variability of Tamang tones in terms of F 0 , as well as in terms of open quotient. The present results appear to confirm that Tamang tones possess several correlates; they offer an insight on ongoing change in the prosodic system of Tamang.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007c,

title = {A Measurement from Electroglottography: DECPA, and its Application in Prosody},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

editor = {Bernard Bel and Isabelle Marlien},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00130325},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-03-11},

journal = {International Speech Communication Association (ISCA)},

pages = {633-636},

abstract = {The present study, drawing on recent research on the use of the derivative of electroglottographic signals, applies to the study of intonation a parameter called DECPA, "Derivative-EGG Closure Peak Amplitude": the amplitude of the peak on the derivative of the EGG signal at glottal closure. A pilot study comparing DECPA, F 0 , global intensity and open quotient (in data from tone languages) suggests that DECPA correlates with pragmatic emphasis (accent). The uses and limitations of this measurement are discussed in relation to the general issue of the measurement of harmonic richness.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007n,

title = {A Measurement from Electroglottography: DECPA, and its Application in Prosody},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00130325},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-03-11},

journal = {International Speech Communication Association (ISCA)},

pages = {633-636},

abstract = {The present study, drawing on recent research on the use of the derivative of electroglottographic signals, applies to the study of intonation a parameter called DECPA, "Derivative-EGG Closure Peak Amplitude": the amplitude of the peak on the derivative of the EGG signal at glottal closure. A pilot study comparing DECPA, F 0 , global intensity and open quotient (in data from tone languages) suggests that DECPA correlates with pragmatic emphasis (accent). The uses and limitations of this measurement are discussed in relation to the general issue of the measurement of harmonic richness.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007i,

title = {Conservation of languages ​​and sharing of resources: the role of researchers in the establishment of databases},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-02-09},

journal = { Proceedings of the XXIV Days of Study of the Word},

pages = {153-156},

abstract = {The reflection starts from a paradoxical observation: the sound databases housed by research centers in phonetics are relatively underdeveloped. Research centers rarely follow up on documents registered by their researchers. This article, which is mainly from the point of view of the conservation of endangered languages, presents a reflection on the role that “university sound libraries” could play, centers of dissemination but also of creation of databases.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007d,

title = {Reduplication [N ° 29 of: Facts of languages]},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Aliyah Morgenstern},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

abstract = {FORMS OF REDUPLICATION

Partial reduplication in japhug, revealing syllabic structures. The phonetic fate of reduplicated forms: reduplication, tones and lexicals and intonations in na. Reduplication in Rukai Mantauran. No no and no no in French and Italian: reiteration or reduplication?



DIVERSITY OF REDUPLICATION VALUES

An overview of nominal and verbal reduplication in Mandarin Reduplication in the Tibetan-Burmese languages: the example of Burmese and Tibetan. The repetition of the movement in French Sign Language (LSF). Reduplication: iconic universals and system values.



REDUPLICATION: BETWEEN QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE

Repetitive action and repeated action: aspect and verbal plurality in swivel reduplication. Reduplication in Eastern Cree: quantification and distributivity. Forms and values ​​of total reduplication in Hindi / Urdu.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007f,

title = {General presentation},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Aliyah Morgenstern},

doi = {10.1163/19589514-029-01-900000002},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

journal = { Faits de Langues},

volume = {29},

number = {1},

pages = {5-8},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007g,

title = {The phonetic fate of reduplicated forms: reduplication, lexical tones and intonation in na (naxi)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Jacqueline Vaissiere},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00170199},

doi = {10.1163/19589514-029-01-900000004},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

journal = {Facts about languages},

volume = {29},

number = {1},

pages = {23-35},

abstract = {In Naxi (also called na, moso), a Sino-Tibetan language which has lexical tones, some reduplication schemes include a change of tone, others do not (identical reduplication). The coexistence of these two sets allows their comparison with experimental phonetic tools, which leads to a simple explanation. All the patterns would originate from an identical reduplication. The diagrams which currently include a change of tone are explained by a subsequent evolution: the freezing (phonologization) of the effect of intonative borders on the melody, which lowers the High tone at the end of a reduplicated compound (leading to its categorial shift towards a Medium tone) and raises the Low tone at the start (also turning it into a Medium tone).},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007j,

title = {The phonetic evolution of reduplicated expressions: reduplication, lexical tones and prosody in Na (Naxi)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Jacqueline Vaissiere},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00166896},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

pages = {801-804},

abstract = {In Na, a Sino-Tibetan language with lexical tones, some reduplication schemes involve tone change, whereas others consist in full reduplication without tone change. The synchronic coexistence of these two sets allows for an experimental comparison, which leads to a simple explanation. Both sets appear to originate in total reduplication, without tone change, the schemes which now involve tone change resulting from a later evolution: the phonologisation of the effect of intonational boundaries on pitch. A High tone in final position within the reduplicated compound is lowered to Mid; an initial Low tone is raised, also to Mid. A reflection is set out concerning the historical conditions under which the allophonic variation of lexical tones could be reinterpreted as a difference of tonal categories.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007k,

title = {The phonetic fate of reduplicated forms: reduplication, lexical tones and intonation in na (naxi)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Jacqueline Vaissière},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00170199},

doi = {10.1163/19589514-029-01-900000004},

issn = {1958-9514},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

journal = {Language Facts},

volume = {29},

number = {1},

pages = {23–35},

abstract = {The pagination is identical to that of the version paginated by the publisher. The "publisher" version will be freely available online in 5 years via the PERSEE portal.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007p,

title = {General presentation},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Aliyah Morgenstern},

doi = {10.1163/19589514-029-01-900000002},

issn = {1958-9514},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

journal = {Language Facts},

volume = {29},

number = {1},

pages = { 5-8},

abstract = {What Furthermore simple what is reduplication? /oH/ "he is happy", /olioH/ "he is very happy" (example swivel reported through F. Rose Under His look from simplicity, the phenomenon lift up However Name of questions, at crossing phonology, morpho-syntax and semantics. According to languages, see at inside of a even language, the reduplication can take different shapes - repetition partial or total of the term -, affect one or many categories grammatical - last name, verb, qualifying, quantifying - and fill up different functions. To to train an inventory values what can take, and search if the different values identified can to be brought back at some denominators common, the present volume reunites of works divers at many securities. By their object study, first of all: languages of Americas, from Asia, from Africa or Europe. More also by the approaches and points theoretical views adopted. At fil of the book I know draw some answers to the questions such than of the link between shapes and values : some template phonological (for example the reduplication at the identical of a whole word) is it preferentially associate to a certain value semantics who I know would find in languages various ? This question leads out on others interrogations general: the presence jobs specialized of reduplication in a tongue, for example a value iteration, one or more values manners, aspectual and temporal, does she accompany necessarily of a fan templates phonologicales},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007q,

title = {The phonetic fate of reduplicated forms: reduplication, lexical tones and intonation in na (naxi)},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Jacqueline Vaissière},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00170199},

doi = {10.1163/19589514-029-01-900000004},

isbn = {1958-9514},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

journal = {Faits de Langues },

volume = {29},

number = {1},

pages = {23–35},

abstract = {La pagination est identique à celle de la version paginée par l'éditeur. La version "éditeur" sera librement disponible en ligne dans 5 ans via le portail PERSEE.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007r,

title = {Voiced and deodatized tones under stress: open coefficient values ​​gradually reach maximum},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Tuan Vu-Ngoc},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00135814},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

journal = {Language},

volume = {213},

number = {2},

pages = {46-52},

abstract = {Article in Vietnamese about allophonic variations of lexical tones (pitch and quality of voice) as a function of intonation parameters (degree of insistence, emotion). / Article in Vietnamese about the allophonic variations of lexical tones (fundamental frequency and voice quality) in different intonational contexts (various degrees of emphasis, emotions)},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2007e,

title = {Reduplication: iconic universals and system values},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Aliyah Morgenstern},

doi = {10.1163/19589514-029-01-900000010},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

urldate = {2007-01-01},

journal = {Language Facts},

volume = {29},

number = {1},

pages = {117-124},

abstract = {This contribution is based on facts from various languages ​​in order to highlight two dimensions of reduplication which cannot be reduced to one another: - iconic, universal components; - a lexical and morphosyntactic dimension, variously developed according to the languages: reduplication takes on specific and precise values ​​within the system of a given language. One hypothesis is that both dimensions are in inverse relation to each other in a given language. The iconic and expressive background of reduplication becomes more apparent the less the element in question is integrated into the language system.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006l,

title = {Tonal reassociation and rising tonal contours in Naxi},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Sorbonne Nouvelle},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-12-12},

journal = {Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area},

volume = {29},

number = {1},

pages = {61-94},

abstract = {Western Naxi has three tones (High, Mid and Low) plus a more recent rising contour tone. The first part of the article describes the synchronic process whereby the reduction of a morpheme carrying a High tone results in re-association of its tone to the preceding syllable, creating a rising contour. The second part presents the lexical items that carry a rising tone: 'native' words carrying a rising contour tone point to the use of High-tone addition in possessive constructions at an earlier stage. The numerous Chinese loanwords with rising tone are probably not the origin of the rising tone of Naxi; they arguably led to the consolidation of a pre-existing rising-tone category.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006i,

title = {Tone and voice quality in TGTM (Tamang-an) languages},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Martine Mazaudon},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-09-15},

volume = {61},

number = {2-3},

pages = {147-171},

abstract = {The tones of the TGTM or Tamangan languages, involve both F0 and voice quality characteristics, as was reported in a number of studies from the 1970s. Two of the four tones (tones 3 and 4) were reported to be both breathy and low in most dialects of the group. For the present research (thirty years later), audio and electroglottographic data were collected from 5 speakers of the Risiangku Tamang dialect in their 30s or 40s. Voice quality was estimated by computing the glottal open quotient.  The preliminary results confirm that in the speech of three speakers (M2, M3, M5), tones 3 and 4 have a higher open quotient (which provides an indirect cue to the degree of breathiness) than tones 1 and 2. Surprisingly though, tone 3 is more clearly breathy than tone 4, especially for speaker M2. This result differs from what could be considered the opinion of native speakers as reflected in the way they transcribe their language when using the devanagari script : the « voiced aspirate » series is used to transcribe tone 4 words, and the plain voiced for tone 3. The difference in open quotient between the four tones for the other two speakers is negligible or inconsistent.   The study confirms the great variability of Tamang tones in terms of F0, as well as in terms of open quotient and supports an analysis of modern Tamang tones as possessing several correlates. It also offers an insight into ongoing change in the prosodic system of Tamang and other TGTM languages.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006b,

title = {Replicating in Naxi (Tibeto-Burman) an experiment designed for Yorùbá: An approach to 'prominence-sensitive prosody'vs.'calculated prosody'},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00130341},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-01-01},

journal = {Technische Universit Darmstadt Press},

pages = {819-822},

abstract = {The starting-point of this study is the hypothesis (suggested by an overview of typologically varied languages) that it may be useful to characterise prosodic systems in terms of the degree to which they rely on the calculation of tone sequences. Each language could be placed at a certain position along a typological continuum between two types of prosodic organisation: (i) 'calculated prosody', in languages such as Yorùbá (in which tone serves complex morphophonological functions), whose prosodic structure hinges on the calculation of a tone sequence, by categorical processes such as the association of lexical tones and/or boundary tones, reassociation/'tone floating', and downstep; and (ii) 'prominence-sensitive prosody', typologically more common, found in languages such as Chinese, which have fewer elements of categorical tonal calculation, and in which intonation appears to reflect phrasing and informational structure in a largely noncategorical way. In an effort to test (and refine) this hypothesis, an experiment used for Yorùbá [8, 9] is adapted to Naxi, a Sino-Tibetan language which, like Yorùbá, has three lexical tones (High, Mid and Low), but which is hypothesised to be closer to the 'prominence-sensitive prosody' type, whereas Yorùbá would be closer to the 'calculated prosody' type. This pilot study on sentences in which all syllables bear the same tone does bring out differences between the two languages in terms of phenomena of phrasing and of prominence.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006c,

title = {Three extreme cases of neutralisation: Nasality, retroflexion and lip-rounding in Naxi},

author = {Alexis Michaud},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00130120},

doi = {10.3406/clao.2006.1746},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-01-01},

journal = {Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale},

volume = {35},

number = {1},

pages = {23-55},

abstract = {New data on dialects of Naxi (a Sino-Tibetan language) allow for some progress in the analysis of their phonemic system. The present analyses bear on three contrasts: (i) between oral and nasal rhymes; (ii) between retroflex and non-retroflex coronal initials; and (iii) between syllables with and without lip-rounding. From a strictly synchronic point of view, these phenomena constitute extreme instances of neutralisation; from a diachronic point of view, their analysis provides some landmarks for reconstruction.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006d,

title = {Aerodynamic effects of velum movement: the case of nasal vowels in French},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Angelique Amelot},

url = {https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00137628},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-01-01},

journal = {INRIA},

pages = {247-250},

abstract = {Hitherto unpublished data on oral airflow, nasal airflow and velum movement during logatoms read by two French speakers allow for the investigation of the relationships between these three phenomena. There is no straightforward relationship between velar movements and nasal airflow, the latter depending on the relative impedance of both tracts, reflected in the ratio of nasal airflow to oral airflow. The structure of the 168 logatoms is C 1 V 1 C 1 V t C 1 V 1, where C 1 = / t /, / d /, of these consonantal and vocalic contexts on airflow and velum movement. In particular, a hypothesis is put forward concerning the frequent dip below zero of nasal airflow after stop consonants, and its effect on oral airflow.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006f,

title = {Syllabe inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, and correspondence with Joseph F. Rock's transcriptions},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Boyd Michailovsky},

doi = {10.3406/clao.2006.1745},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-01-01},

journal = {Linguistic notebooks - East Asia},

volume = {35},

number = {1},

pages = {3-21},

abstract = {Naxi is a Sino-Tibetan language close to the Burmese-Yi subgroup; its precise genetic affiliation is still a matter of debate. After a short review of some earlier publications on Naxi, this paper offers new data (the syllabic inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, based on first-hand fieldwork), and a guide to an older resource: the correspondences between our transcriptions and the script invented by the 'botanist-explorer' Joseph F. Rock are set out, offering a practical tool for deciphering the somewhat perplexing, idiosyncratic romanised transcription used in his Na-Khi—English Encyclopedic Dictionary, a book of historical importance in Naxi studies.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006g,

title = {Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: An aerodynamic experiment},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Tuân Vu-Ngoc and Angelique Amelot and Bernard Roubeau},

url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00138758},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-01-01},

journal = {Mon-Khmer Studies},

volume = {36},

pages = {121-137},

abstract = {The present research addresses three issues in the phonetics of Hanoi Vietnamese: (i) What are the airflow characteristics of the obstruent-final rhymes? (ii) Rhymes with final nasal consonants /m/, /n/, /ŋ/ show no acoustic trace of the final nasal segment when they carry tone B2 (orthographic tone nặng); does the nasal airflow on these rhymes differ significantly from what is observed on obstruent-final rhymes (which, from a phonological point of view, do not have any nasal segment)? (iii) How often are nasal-final, glottally constricted rhymes followed by a nasal release, and is this release similar to the nasal release which has been reported for rhymes with final obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/? Nasal airflow measurements of 391 syllables read by one speaker (and supporting data from two other speakers) go to show that nasal airflow does not distinguish successfully between nasal-final rhymes carrying tone B2 and obstruent-final rhymes, and that unvoiced nasal release is more frequent after obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/ than after B2-tone rhymes ending in nasals. By contrast, simultaneously recorded oral airflow brings out a clear difference between these two sets of rhymes, confirming that voice quality plays a key role in maintaining the distinction between these rhymes, which are similar from the point of view of oral articulation.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006j,

title = {La courbe de F0 des sonantes initiales de syllabe joue-t-elle un rôle prosodique ? Etude-pilote de données d'anglais britannique},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Barbara Kühnert},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-01-01},

journal = {INRIA},

pages = {121-124},

abstract = {Several recent publications raise the issue whether the F0 curve of syllable-initial sonorants can play a prosodic role. The experimental evidence adduced in the present pilot study consists of 15 C1VC2 words, where C 1 = /p/, /b/ or /m/, V = /ɑ:/, /i:/, /u:/, and C2 = /t/; these words were said twice inside a carrier sentence by four speakers of Standard Southern British English. Comparison of the F0 curves of the /m/-initial syllables with those of the obstruent-initial syllables suggests that only the part of the F0 curve which corresponds to the syllable rhyme is to be taken into account at the stage of the interpretation of the word's prosodic information.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Michaud2006k,

title = {Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: An aerodynamic experiment},

author = {Alexis Michaud and Tuấn VŨ NGỌC and Angélique Amelot and Bernard Roubeau},

year  = {2006},

date = {2006-01-01},

journal = {Mon-Khmer Studies: A Journal of Southeast Asian Languages and Cultures},

volume = {36},

pages = {121-137},

abstract = {The present research addresses three issues in the phonetics of Hanoi Vietnamese: (i) What are the airflow characteristics of the obstruent-final rhymes? (ii) Rhymes with final nasal consonants /m/, /n/, /ŋ/ show no acoustic trace of the final nasal segment when they carry tone B2 (orthographic tone nặng); does the nasal airflow on these rhymes differ significantly from what is observed on obstruent-final rhymes (which, from a phonological point of view, do not have any nasal segment)? (iii) How often are nasal-final, glottally constricted rhymes followed by a nasal release, and is this release similar to the nasal release which has been reported for rhymes with final obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/? Nasal airflow measurements of 391 syllables read by one speaker (and supporting data from two other speakers) go to show that nasal airflow does not distinguish successfully between nasal-final rhymes carrying tone B2 and obstruent-final rhymes, and that unvoiced nasal release is more frequent after obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/ than after B2-tone rhymes ending in nasals. By contrast, simultaneously recorded oral airflow brings out a clear difference between these two sets of rhymes, confirming that voice quality plays a key role in maintaining the distinction between these rhymes, which are similar from the point of view of oral articulation.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}