Alexis Michaud
2006
Michaud, Alexis
Replicating in Naxi (Tibeto-Burman) an experiment designed for Yorùbá: An approach to ‘prominence-sensitive prosody' vs.‘calculated prosody' Journal Article
In: Technische Universit Darmstadt Press, pp. 819-822, 2006.
@article{Michaud2006m,
title = {Replicating in Naxi (Tibeto-Burman) an experiment designed for Yorùbá: An approach to ‘prominence-sensitive prosody' vs.‘calculated prosody'},
author = {Alexis Michaud},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
journal = {Technische Universit Darmstadt Press},
pages = {819-822},
abstract = {The starting-point of this study is the hypothesis (suggested by an overview of typologically varied languages) that it may be useful to characterise prosodic systems in terms of the degree to which they rely on the calculation of tone sequences. Each language could be placed at a certain position along a typological continuum between two types of prosodic organisation: (i) 'calculated prosody', in languages such as Yorùbá (in which tone serves complex morphophonological functions), whose prosodic structure hinges on the calculation of a tone sequence, by categorical processes such as the association of lexical tones and/or boundary tones, reassociation/'tone floating', and downstep; and (ii) 'prominence-sensitive prosody', typologically more common, found in languages such as Chinese, which have fewer elements of categorical tonal calculation, and in which intonation appears to reflect phrasing and informational structure in a largely noncategorical way. In an effort to test (and refine) this hypothesis, an experiment used for Yorùbá [8, 9] is adapted to Naxi, a Sino-Tibetan language which, like Yorùbá, has three lexical tones (High, Mid and Low), but which is hypothesised to be closer to the 'prominence-sensitive prosody' type, whereas Yorùbá would be closer to the 'calculated prosody' type. This pilot study on sentences in which all syllables bear the same tone does bring out differences between the two languages in terms of phenomena of phrasing and of prominence.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The starting-point of this study is the hypothesis (suggested by an overview of typologically varied languages) that it may be useful to characterise prosodic systems in terms of the degree to which they rely on the calculation of tone sequences. Each language could be placed at a certain position along a typological continuum between two types of prosodic organisation: (i) 'calculated prosody', in languages such as Yorùbá (in which tone serves complex morphophonological functions), whose prosodic structure hinges on the calculation of a tone sequence, by categorical processes such as the association of lexical tones and/or boundary tones, reassociation/'tone floating', and downstep; and (ii) 'prominence-sensitive prosody', typologically more common, found in languages such as Chinese, which have fewer elements of categorical tonal calculation, and in which intonation appears to reflect phrasing and informational structure in a largely noncategorical way. In an effort to test (and refine) this hypothesis, an experiment used for Yorùbá [8, 9] is adapted to Naxi, a Sino-Tibetan language which, like Yorùbá, has three lexical tones (High, Mid and Low), but which is hypothesised to be closer to the 'prominence-sensitive prosody' type, whereas Yorùbá would be closer to the 'calculated prosody' type. This pilot study on sentences in which all syllables bear the same tone does bring out differences between the two languages in terms of phenomena of phrasing and of prominence.
Michaud, Alexis
Three extreme cases of neutralisation: Nasality, retroflexion and lip-rounding in Naxi Journal Article
In: Linguistics-East Asia Notebooks, vol. 35, no. 1, pp. 23-55, 2006.
@article{Michaud2006n,
title = {Three extreme cases of neutralisation: Nasality, retroflexion and lip-rounding in Naxi},
author = {Alexis Michaud},
doi = {10.3406/clao.2006.1746},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
journal = {Linguistics-East Asia Notebooks},
volume = {35},
number = {1},
pages = {23-55},
abstract = {New data on dialects of Naxi (a Sino-Tibetan language) allow for some progress in the analysis of their phonemic system. The present analyses bear on three contrasts: (i) between oral and nasal rhymes; (ii) between retroflex and non-retroflex coronal initials; and (iii) between syllables with and without lip-rounding. From a strictly synchronic point of view, these phenomena constitute extreme instances of neutralisation; from a diachronic point of view, their analysis provides some landmarks for reconstruction.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
New data on dialects of Naxi (a Sino-Tibetan language) allow for some progress in the analysis of their phonemic system. The present analyses bear on three contrasts: (i) between oral and nasal rhymes; (ii) between retroflex and non-retroflex coronal initials; and (iii) between syllables with and without lip-rounding. From a strictly synchronic point of view, these phenomena constitute extreme instances of neutralisation; from a diachronic point of view, their analysis provides some landmarks for reconstruction.
Michaud, Alexis; Amelot, Angelique
Aerodynamic effects of velum movement: the case of nasal vowels in French Journal Article
In: INRIA, pp. 247-250, 2006.
@article{Michaud2006o,
title = {Aerodynamic effects of velum movement: the case of nasal vowels in French},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Angelique Amelot},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
journal = {INRIA},
pages = {247-250},
abstract = {Hitherto unpublished data on oral airflow, nasal airflow and velum movement during logatoms read by two French speakers allow for the investigation of the relationships between these three phenomena. There is no straightforward relationship between velar movements and nasal airflow, the latter depending on the relative impedance of both tracts, reflected in the ratio of nasal airflow to oral airflow. The structure of the 168 logatoms is C 1 V 1 C 1 V t C 1 V 1, where C 1 = / t /, / d /, of these consonantal and vocalic contexts on airflow and velum movement. In particular, a hypothesis is put forward concerning the frequent dip below zero of nasal airflow after stop consonants, and its effect on oral airflow.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Hitherto unpublished data on oral airflow, nasal airflow and velum movement during logatoms read by two French speakers allow for the investigation of the relationships between these three phenomena. There is no straightforward relationship between velar movements and nasal airflow, the latter depending on the relative impedance of both tracts, reflected in the ratio of nasal airflow to oral airflow. The structure of the 168 logatoms is C 1 V 1 C 1 V t C 1 V 1, where C 1 = / t /, / d /, of these consonantal and vocalic contexts on airflow and velum movement. In particular, a hypothesis is put forward concerning the frequent dip below zero of nasal airflow after stop consonants, and its effect on oral airflow.
Michaud, Alexis; Vaissière, Jacqueline
Prosodic constituents in French: a data-driven approach Book
John benjamins, 2006.
@book{Michaud2006p,
title = {Prosodic constituents in French: a data-driven approach},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Jacqueline Vaissière},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
publisher = {John benjamins},
abstract = {This paper aims (i) to summarise essential facts about the syntactic prosody of French as seen within the broader picture of French prosody, (ii) to provide a cross-linguistic perspective, by bringing out characteristics which sharply distinguish French from English, and drawing their implications for the thorny issue of cross-linguistic prosodic description, which arguably holds the key to substantial progress in our understanding of prosody. The essentials of a superpositional model of intonation for French are briefly set out.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {book}
}
This paper aims (i) to summarise essential facts about the syntactic prosody of French as seen within the broader picture of French prosody, (ii) to provide a cross-linguistic perspective, by bringing out characteristics which sharply distinguish French from English, and drawing their implications for the thorny issue of cross-linguistic prosodic description, which arguably holds the key to substantial progress in our understanding of prosody. The essentials of a superpositional model of intonation for French are briefly set out.
Michailovsky, Boyd; Michaud, Alexis
Syllabe inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, and correspondence with Joseph F. Rock's transcriptions Journal Article
In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale , vol. 35, no. 1, pp. 3-21, 2006.
@article{Michailovsky2006,
title = {Syllabe inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, and correspondence with Joseph F. Rock's transcriptions},
author = {Boyd Michailovsky and Alexis Michaud},
doi = {10.3406/clao.2006.1745},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
journal = {Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale },
volume = {35},
number = {1},
pages = {3-21},
abstract = {Naxi is a Sino-Tibetan language close to the Burmese-Yi subgroup; its precise genetic affiliation is still a matter of debate. After a short review of some earlier publications on Naxi, this paper offers new data (the syllabic inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, based on first-hand fieldwork), and a guide to an older resource: the correspondences between our transcriptions and the script invented by the 'botanist-explorer' Joseph F. Rock are set out, offering a practical tool for deciphering the somewhat perplexing, idiosyncratic romanised transcription used in his Na-Khi—English Encyclopedic Dictionary, a book of historical importance in Naxi studies.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Naxi is a Sino-Tibetan language close to the Burmese-Yi subgroup; its precise genetic affiliation is still a matter of debate. After a short review of some earlier publications on Naxi, this paper offers new data (the syllabic inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, based on first-hand fieldwork), and a guide to an older resource: the correspondences between our transcriptions and the script invented by the 'botanist-explorer' Joseph F. Rock are set out, offering a practical tool for deciphering the somewhat perplexing, idiosyncratic romanised transcription used in his Na-Khi—English Encyclopedic Dictionary, a book of historical importance in Naxi studies.
Michaud, Alexis; Vu-Ngoc, Tuân; Amelot, Angelique; Roubeau, Bernard
Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: An aerodynamic experiment Journal Article
In: vol. 36, 2006.
@article{Michaud2006q,
title = {Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: An aerodynamic experiment},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Tuân Vu-Ngoc and Angelique Amelot and Bernard Roubeau},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
volume = {36},
abstract = {The present research addresses three issues in the phonetics of Hanoi Vietnamese: (i) What are the airflow characteristics of the obstruent-final rhymes? (ii) Rhymes with final nasal consonants /m/, /n/, /ŋ/ show no acoustic trace of the final nasal segment when they carry tone B2 (orthographic tone nặng); does the nasal airflow on these rhymes differ significantly from what is observed on obstruent-final rhymes (which, from a phonological point of view, do not have any nasal segment)? (iii) How often are nasal-final, glottally constricted rhymes followed by a nasal release, and is this release similar to the nasal release which has been reported for rhymes with final obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/? Nasal airflow measurements of 391 syllables read by one speaker (and supporting data from two other speakers) go to show that nasal airflow does not distinguish successfully between nasal-final rhymes carrying tone B2 and obstruent-final rhymes, and that unvoiced nasal release is more frequent after obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/ than after B2-tone rhymes ending in nasals. By contrast, simultaneously recorded oral airflow brings out a clear difference between these two sets of rhymes, confirming that voice quality plays a key role in maintaining the distinction between these rhymes, which are similar from the point of view of oral articulation.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The present research addresses three issues in the phonetics of Hanoi Vietnamese: (i) What are the airflow characteristics of the obstruent-final rhymes? (ii) Rhymes with final nasal consonants /m/, /n/, /ŋ/ show no acoustic trace of the final nasal segment when they carry tone B2 (orthographic tone nặng); does the nasal airflow on these rhymes differ significantly from what is observed on obstruent-final rhymes (which, from a phonological point of view, do not have any nasal segment)? (iii) How often are nasal-final, glottally constricted rhymes followed by a nasal release, and is this release similar to the nasal release which has been reported for rhymes with final obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/? Nasal airflow measurements of 391 syllables read by one speaker (and supporting data from two other speakers) go to show that nasal airflow does not distinguish successfully between nasal-final rhymes carrying tone B2 and obstruent-final rhymes, and that unvoiced nasal release is more frequent after obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/ than after B2-tone rhymes ending in nasals. By contrast, simultaneously recorded oral airflow brings out a clear difference between these two sets of rhymes, confirming that voice quality plays a key role in maintaining the distinction between these rhymes, which are similar from the point of view of oral articulation.
Vaissiere, Jacqueline; Michaud, Alexis
Prosodic Constituents in French Book Chapter
In: Chapter Prosody and Syntax , pp. 47, 2006.
@inbook{Vaissiere2006,
title = {Prosodic Constituents in French},
author = {Jacqueline Vaissiere and Alexis Michaud},
doi = {10.1075/ubli.3.05vai},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
pages = {47},
chapter = {Prosody and Syntax },
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
Michaud, Alexis; Michailovsky, Boyd
Syllabe inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, and correspondence with Joseph F. Rock's transcriptions Journal Article
In: Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, vol. 35, no. 1, pp. 3-21, 2006.
@article{Michaud2006r,
title = {Syllabe inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, and correspondence with Joseph F. Rock's transcriptions},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Boyd Michailovsky},
doi = {10.3406/clao.2006.1745},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
journal = {Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale},
volume = {35},
number = {1},
pages = {3-21},
abstract = {Naxi is a Sino-Tibetan language close to the Burmese-Yi subgroup; its precise genetic affiliation is still a matter of debate. After a short review of some earlier publications on Naxi, this paper offers new data (the syllabic inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, based on first-hand fieldwork), and a guide to an older resource: the correspondences between our transcriptions and the script invented by the 'botanist-explorer' Joseph F. Rock are set out, offering a practical tool for deciphering the somewhat perplexing, idiosyncratic romanised transcription used in his Na-Khi—English Encyclopedic Dictionary, a book of historical importance in Naxi studies.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Naxi is a Sino-Tibetan language close to the Burmese-Yi subgroup; its precise genetic affiliation is still a matter of debate. After a short review of some earlier publications on Naxi, this paper offers new data (the syllabic inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, based on first-hand fieldwork), and a guide to an older resource: the correspondences between our transcriptions and the script invented by the 'botanist-explorer' Joseph F. Rock are set out, offering a practical tool for deciphering the somewhat perplexing, idiosyncratic romanised transcription used in his Na-Khi—English Encyclopedic Dictionary, a book of historical importance in Naxi studies.
Michaud, Alexis; Vu-Ngoc, Tuân; Amelot, Angelique; Roubeau, Bernard
Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: An aerodynamic experiment Journal Article
In: Mon-Khmer Studies: A Journal of Southeast Asian Languages and Cultures, vol. 36, pp. 121-137, 2006.
@article{Michaud2006s,
title = {Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: An aerodynamic experiment},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Tuân Vu-Ngoc and Angelique Amelot and Bernard Roubeau},
url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00138758},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
journal = {Mon-Khmer Studies: A Journal of Southeast Asian Languages and Cultures},
volume = {36},
pages = {121-137},
abstract = {The present research addresses three issues in the phonetics of Hanoi Vietnamese: (i) What are the airflow characteristics of the obstruent-final rhymes? (ii) Rhymes with final nasal consonants /m/, /n/, /ŋ/ show no acoustic trace of the final nasal segment when they carry tone B2 (orthographic tone nặng); does the nasal airflow on these rhymes differ significantly from what is observed on obstruent-final rhymes (which, from a phonological point of view, do not have any nasal segment)? (iii) How often are nasal-final, glottally constricted rhymes followed by a nasal release, and is this release similar to the nasal release which has been reported for rhymes with final obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/? Nasal airflow measurements of 391 syllables read by one speaker (and supporting data from two other speakers) go to show that nasal airflow does not distinguish successfully between nasal-final rhymes carrying tone B2 and obstruent-final rhymes, and that unvoiced nasal release is more frequent after obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/ than after B2-tone rhymes ending in nasals. By contrast, simultaneously recorded oral airflow brings out a clear difference between these two sets of rhymes, confirming that voice quality plays a key role in maintaining the distinction between these rhymes, which are similar from the point of view of oral articulation.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The present research addresses three issues in the phonetics of Hanoi Vietnamese: (i) What are the airflow characteristics of the obstruent-final rhymes? (ii) Rhymes with final nasal consonants /m/, /n/, /ŋ/ show no acoustic trace of the final nasal segment when they carry tone B2 (orthographic tone nặng); does the nasal airflow on these rhymes differ significantly from what is observed on obstruent-final rhymes (which, from a phonological point of view, do not have any nasal segment)? (iii) How often are nasal-final, glottally constricted rhymes followed by a nasal release, and is this release similar to the nasal release which has been reported for rhymes with final obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/? Nasal airflow measurements of 391 syllables read by one speaker (and supporting data from two other speakers) go to show that nasal airflow does not distinguish successfully between nasal-final rhymes carrying tone B2 and obstruent-final rhymes, and that unvoiced nasal release is more frequent after obstruents /p/, /t/, /k/ than after B2-tone rhymes ending in nasals. By contrast, simultaneously recorded oral airflow brings out a clear difference between these two sets of rhymes, confirming that voice quality plays a key role in maintaining the distinction between these rhymes, which are similar from the point of view of oral articulation.
2005
Michaud, Alexis; vu ngoc Tuan,; d'Alessandro, Christophe
Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones Conference
Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones, International Speech Communication Association, 2005.
@conference{Michaud2005,
title = {Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones},
author = {Alexis Michaud and vu ngoc Tuan and Christophe d'Alessandro},
url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00134411},
year = {2005},
date = {2005-01-01},
booktitle = {Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones},
pages = {2885-2889},
publisher = {International Speech Communication Association},
abstract = {Vietnamese is a tone language in which the tone is a com- plex bundle of pitch and voice quality characteristics. The present study is restricted to Falling tones (i.e. it does not cover tone C2, called nga in Vietnamese spelling, which has me- dial glottalisation and ends on relatively high pitch), and deals mainly with tone C1 (hoi). This tone is generally described as falling then rising, but interestingly, some speakers realise it simply as falling. The primary aim of this paper is to inves- tigate how these speakers maintain tone C1 distinct from two tones which are similar in terms of pitch: tones A2 (huyen )a nd B2 (nang). Analysis of audio and electroglottographic record- ings of 7 speakers (441 syllables) confirms that there exist two types of strategies in the realisation of tone C1, and that in the falling realisation of C1, the voice quality at the end of the syl- lable differs from that of tones A2 and B2. It is further observed that this voice quality contrast cannot be captured by measure- ment of the open quotient alone, leading to general observations on the use of the open quotient in the characterisation of phe- nomena of glottalisation.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {conference}
}
Vietnamese is a tone language in which the tone is a com- plex bundle of pitch and voice quality characteristics. The present study is restricted to Falling tones (i.e. it does not cover tone C2, called nga in Vietnamese spelling, which has me- dial glottalisation and ends on relatively high pitch), and deals mainly with tone C1 (hoi). This tone is generally described as falling then rising, but interestingly, some speakers realise it simply as falling. The primary aim of this paper is to inves- tigate how these speakers maintain tone C1 distinct from two tones which are similar in terms of pitch: tones A2 (huyen )a nd B2 (nang). Analysis of audio and electroglottographic record- ings of 7 speakers (441 syllables) confirms that there exist two types of strategies in the realisation of tone C1, and that in the falling realisation of C1, the voice quality at the end of the syl- lable differs from that of tones A2 and B2. It is further observed that this voice quality contrast cannot be captured by measure- ment of the open quotient alone, leading to general observations on the use of the open quotient in the characterisation of phe- nomena of glottalisation.
vu ngoc Tuan,; d'Alessandro, Christophe; Michaud, Alexis
Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones Proceedings
INTERSPEECH 2005 - Eurospeech, 9th European Conference on Speech Communication and Technology, Lisbon, Portugal, September 4-8, 2005 DBLP, no. 2885-2888, 2005.
@proceedings{vungocTuan2005,
title = {Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones},
author = {vu ngoc Tuan and Christophe d'Alessandro and Alexis Michaud},
year = {2005},
date = {2005-01-01},
number = {2885-2888},
publisher = {DBLP},
organization = { INTERSPEECH 2005 - Eurospeech, 9th European Conference on Speech Communication and Technology, Lisbon, Portugal, September 4-8, 2005},
abstract = {Vietnamese is a tone language in which the tone is a com- plex bundle of pitch and voice quality characteristics. The present study is restricted to Falling tones (i.e. it does not cover tone C2, called nga in Vietnamese spelling, which has me- dial glottalisation and ends on relatively high pitch), and deals mainly with tone C1 (hoi). This tone is generally described as falling then rising, but interestingly, some speakers realise it simply as falling. The primary aim of this paper is to inves- tigate how these speakers maintain tone C1 distinct from two tones which are similar in terms of pitch: tones A2 (huyen )a nd B2 (nang). Analysis of audio and electroglottographic record- ings of 7 speakers (441 syllables) confirms that there exist two types of strategies in the realisation of tone C1, and that in the falling realisation of C1, the voice quality at the end of the syl- lable differs from that of tones A2 and B2. It is further observed that this voice quality contrast cannot be captured by measure- ment of the open quotient alone, leading to general observations on the use of the open quotient in the characterisation of phe- nomena of glottalisation.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {proceedings}
}
Vietnamese is a tone language in which the tone is a com- plex bundle of pitch and voice quality characteristics. The present study is restricted to Falling tones (i.e. it does not cover tone C2, called nga in Vietnamese spelling, which has me- dial glottalisation and ends on relatively high pitch), and deals mainly with tone C1 (hoi). This tone is generally described as falling then rising, but interestingly, some speakers realise it simply as falling. The primary aim of this paper is to inves- tigate how these speakers maintain tone C1 distinct from two tones which are similar in terms of pitch: tones A2 (huyen )a nd B2 (nang). Analysis of audio and electroglottographic record- ings of 7 speakers (441 syllables) confirms that there exist two types of strategies in the realisation of tone C1, and that in the falling realisation of C1, the voice quality at the end of the syl- lable differs from that of tones A2 and B2. It is further observed that this voice quality contrast cannot be captured by measure- ment of the open quotient alone, leading to general observations on the use of the open quotient in the characterisation of phe- nomena of glottalisation.
Michaud, Alexis; vu ngoc Tuan,; d'Alessandro, Christophe
Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones Conference
Proceedings of Eurospeech-Interspeech 2005: the 9th Annual Conference on Speech Communication and Technology, International Speech Communication Association, 2005.
@conference{Michaud2005b,
title = {Using open quotient for the characterisation of Vietnamese glottalised tones},
author = {Alexis Michaud and vu ngoc Tuan and Christophe d'Alessandro},
year = {2005},
date = {2005-01-01},
booktitle = {Proceedings of Eurospeech-Interspeech 2005: the 9th Annual Conference on Speech Communication and Technology},
pages = {2885-2889},
publisher = {International Speech Communication Association},
abstract = {Vietnamese is a tone language in which the tone is a complex bundle of pitch and voice quality characteristics. The present study is restricted to Falling tones (i.e. it does not cover tone C2, called nga in Vietnamese spelling, which has medial glottalisation and ends on relatively high pitch), and deals mainly with tone C1 (hoi). This tone is generally described as falling then rising, but interestingly, some speakers realise it simply as falling. The primary aim of this paper is to investigate how these speakers maintain tone C1 distinct from two tones which are similar in terms of pitch: tones A2 (huyen) and B2 (nang). Analysis of audio and electroglottographic recordings of 7 speakers (441 syllables) confirms that there exist two types of strategies in the realisation of tone C1, and that in the falling realisation of C1, the voice quality at the end of the syllable differs from that of tones A2 and B2. It is further observed that this voice quality contrast cannot be captured by measurement of the open quotient alone, leading to general observations on the use of the open quotient in the characterisation of phenomena of glottalisation.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {conference}
}
Vietnamese is a tone language in which the tone is a complex bundle of pitch and voice quality characteristics. The present study is restricted to Falling tones (i.e. it does not cover tone C2, called nga in Vietnamese spelling, which has medial glottalisation and ends on relatively high pitch), and deals mainly with tone C1 (hoi). This tone is generally described as falling then rising, but interestingly, some speakers realise it simply as falling. The primary aim of this paper is to investigate how these speakers maintain tone C1 distinct from two tones which are similar in terms of pitch: tones A2 (huyen) and B2 (nang). Analysis of audio and electroglottographic recordings of 7 speakers (441 syllables) confirms that there exist two types of strategies in the realisation of tone C1, and that in the falling realisation of C1, the voice quality at the end of the syllable differs from that of tones A2 and B2. It is further observed that this voice quality contrast cannot be captured by measurement of the open quotient alone, leading to general observations on the use of the open quotient in the characterisation of phenomena of glottalisation.
2004
Michaud, Alexis
Final Consonants and Glottalization: New Perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese Journal Article
In: Phonetica, vol. 61, no. 2-3, pp. 119-146, 2004, ISSN: 0031-8388.
@article{Michaud2004,
title = {Final Consonants and Glottalization: New Perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese},
author = {Alexis Michaud},
url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00130119},
doi = {10.1159/000082560},
issn = {0031-8388},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-04-01},
journal = {Phonetica},
volume = {61},
number = {2-3},
pages = {119-146},
abstract = {The evolution from final obstruents to final glottal stop and then to rhyme glottalization (i.e. from /at/ to /a?/, then to /a'/) is a well-established general trend in the history of the Sino-Tibetan language family and beyond. It has further been shown by laryngoscopy that in three languages which retain the nonreleased syllable-final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ (Standard Thai, and two Chinese dialects), these obstruents are often accompanied by a glottal stop. The present research raises the issue whether there is another typological possibility: can nonreleased final obstruents be accompanied consistently by modal phonation, without glottal stop? Analysis of electroglottographic recordings of 126 syllables in two carrier sentences spoken by 4 speakers shows that, in Hanoi Vietnamese, the final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ are not accompanied by glottalization, and that the open quotient increases in the course of the syllable rhyme. Obstruent-final rhymes (which may carry either of two tones: D1 or D2) are compared with nasal-final rhymes which, under one of the tones (tone B2), are confirmed to be glottalized. Our finding is that tones D1 and D2 (i.e. obstruent-final rhymes) are both produced in modal voice, which shows that the typological paradigm of observed realizations of syllable-final obstruents must be enlarged. The discussion puts forward the hypothesis that the unusual association of segments and voice quality found in Hanoi Vietnamese is a strategy to maintain the opposition between B2-tone and D2-tone rhymes.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The evolution from final obstruents to final glottal stop and then to rhyme glottalization (i.e. from /at/ to /a?/, then to /a'/) is a well-established general trend in the history of the Sino-Tibetan language family and beyond. It has further been shown by laryngoscopy that in three languages which retain the nonreleased syllable-final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ (Standard Thai, and two Chinese dialects), these obstruents are often accompanied by a glottal stop. The present research raises the issue whether there is another typological possibility: can nonreleased final obstruents be accompanied consistently by modal phonation, without glottal stop? Analysis of electroglottographic recordings of 126 syllables in two carrier sentences spoken by 4 speakers shows that, in Hanoi Vietnamese, the final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ are not accompanied by glottalization, and that the open quotient increases in the course of the syllable rhyme. Obstruent-final rhymes (which may carry either of two tones: D1 or D2) are compared with nasal-final rhymes which, under one of the tones (tone B2), are confirmed to be glottalized. Our finding is that tones D1 and D2 (i.e. obstruent-final rhymes) are both produced in modal voice, which shows that the typological paradigm of observed realizations of syllable-final obstruents must be enlarged. The discussion puts forward the hypothesis that the unusual association of segments and voice quality found in Hanoi Vietnamese is a strategy to maintain the opposition between B2-tone and D2-tone rhymes.
Michaud, Alexis
Final Consonants and Glottalization: New Perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese Journal Article
In: Phonetica, vol. 61, no. 2-3, pp. 119-46, 2004.
@article{Michaud2004c,
title = {Final Consonants and Glottalization: New Perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese},
author = {Alexis Michaud},
doi = {10.1159/000082560},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-04-01},
journal = {Phonetica},
volume = {61},
number = {2-3},
pages = {119-46},
abstract = {The evolution from final obstruents to final glottal stop and then to rhyme glottalization (i.e. from /at/ to /a?/, then to /a'/) is a well-established general trend in the history of the Sino-Tibetan language family and beyond. It has further been shown by laryngoscopy that in three languages which retain the nonreleased syllable-final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ (Standard Thai, and two Chinese dialects), these obstruents are often accompanied by a glottal stop. The present research raises the issue whether there is another typological possibility: can nonreleased final obstruents be accompanied consistently by modal phonation, without glottal stop? Analysis of electroglottographic recordings of 126 syllables in two carrier sentences spoken by 4 speakers shows that, in Hanoi Vietnamese, the final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ are not accompanied by glottalization, and that the open quotient increases in the course of the syllable rhyme. Obstruent-final rhymes (which may carry either of two tones: D1 or D2) are compared with nasal-final rhymes which, under one of the tones (tone B2), are confirmed to be glottalized. Our finding is that tones D1 and D2 (i.e. obstruent-final rhymes) are both produced in modal voice, which shows that the typological paradigm of observed realizations of syllable-final obstruents must be enlarged. The discussion puts forward the hypothesis that the unusual association of segments and voice quality found in Hanoi Vietnamese is a strategy to maintain the opposition between B2-tone and D2-tone rhymes.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The evolution from final obstruents to final glottal stop and then to rhyme glottalization (i.e. from /at/ to /a?/, then to /a'/) is a well-established general trend in the history of the Sino-Tibetan language family and beyond. It has further been shown by laryngoscopy that in three languages which retain the nonreleased syllable-final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ (Standard Thai, and two Chinese dialects), these obstruents are often accompanied by a glottal stop. The present research raises the issue whether there is another typological possibility: can nonreleased final obstruents be accompanied consistently by modal phonation, without glottal stop? Analysis of electroglottographic recordings of 126 syllables in two carrier sentences spoken by 4 speakers shows that, in Hanoi Vietnamese, the final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ are not accompanied by glottalization, and that the open quotient increases in the course of the syllable rhyme. Obstruent-final rhymes (which may carry either of two tones: D1 or D2) are compared with nasal-final rhymes which, under one of the tones (tone B2), are confirmed to be glottalized. Our finding is that tones D1 and D2 (i.e. obstruent-final rhymes) are both produced in modal voice, which shows that the typological paradigm of observed realizations of syllable-final obstruents must be enlarged. The discussion puts forward the hypothesis that the unusual association of segments and voice quality found in Hanoi Vietnamese is a strategy to maintain the opposition between B2-tone and D2-tone rhymes.
Michaud, Alexis
Final Consonants and Glottalization: New Perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese Journal Article
In: Phonetica, vol. 61, no. 2-3, pp. 119-146, 2004.
@article{Michaud2004e,
title = {Final Consonants and Glottalization: New Perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese},
author = {Alexis Michaud},
doi = {10.1159/000082560},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-04-01},
journal = {Phonetica},
volume = {61},
number = {2-3},
pages = {119-146},
abstract = {The evolution from final obstruents to final glottal stop and then to rhyme glottalization (i.e. from /at/ to /a?/, then to /a'/) is a well-established general trend in the history of the Sino-Tibetan language family and beyond. It has further been shown by laryngoscopy that in three languages which retain the nonreleased syllable-final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ (Standard Thai, and two Chinese dialects), these obstruents are often accompanied by a glottal stop. The present research raises the issue whether there is another typological possibility: can nonreleased final obstruents be accompanied consistently by modal phonation, without glottal stop? Analysis of electroglottographic recordings of 126 syllables in two carrier sentences spoken by 4 speakers shows that, in Hanoi Vietnamese, the final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ are not accompanied by glottalization, and that the open quotient increases in the course of the syllable rhyme. Obstruent-final rhymes (which may carry either of two tones: D1 or D2) are compared with nasal-final rhymes which, under one of the tones (tone B2), are confirmed to be glottalized. Our finding is that tones D1 and D2 (i.e. obstruent-final rhymes) are both produced in modal voice, which shows that the typological paradigm of observed realizations of syllable-final obstruents must be enlarged. The discussion puts forward the hypothesis that the unusual association of segments and voice quality found in Hanoi Vietnamese is a strategy to maintain the opposition between B2-tone and D2-tone rhymes.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The evolution from final obstruents to final glottal stop and then to rhyme glottalization (i.e. from /at/ to /a?/, then to /a'/) is a well-established general trend in the history of the Sino-Tibetan language family and beyond. It has further been shown by laryngoscopy that in three languages which retain the nonreleased syllable-final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ (Standard Thai, and two Chinese dialects), these obstruents are often accompanied by a glottal stop. The present research raises the issue whether there is another typological possibility: can nonreleased final obstruents be accompanied consistently by modal phonation, without glottal stop? Analysis of electroglottographic recordings of 126 syllables in two carrier sentences spoken by 4 speakers shows that, in Hanoi Vietnamese, the final obstruents /p/, /t/ and /k/ are not accompanied by glottalization, and that the open quotient increases in the course of the syllable rhyme. Obstruent-final rhymes (which may carry either of two tones: D1 or D2) are compared with nasal-final rhymes which, under one of the tones (tone B2), are confirmed to be glottalized. Our finding is that tones D1 and D2 (i.e. obstruent-final rhymes) are both produced in modal voice, which shows that the typological paradigm of observed realizations of syllable-final obstruents must be enlarged. The discussion puts forward the hypothesis that the unusual association of segments and voice quality found in Hanoi Vietnamese is a strategy to maintain the opposition between B2-tone and D2-tone rhymes.
Michaud, Alexis; Vu-Ngoc, Tuân
Glottalized and Nonglottalized Tones under Emphasis: Open Quotient Curves Remain Stable, F0 Curve is Modified Journal Article
In: International Speech Communication Association (ISCA), pp. 745-748, 2004.
@article{Michaud2004b,
title = {Glottalized and Nonglottalized Tones under Emphasis: Open Quotient Curves Remain Stable, F0 Curve is Modified},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Tuân Vu-Ngoc },
url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00134409},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-01},
journal = {International Speech Communication Association (ISCA)},
pages = {745-748},
abstract = {Tones B2 and D2 of Hanoi Vietnamese have strongly contrasting voice quality features: tone B2, which is glottally constricted, is here compared with a similar but nonconstricted tone (tone D2). Under emphasis, the slope of F 0 curves is increased and/or F 0 register is raised. The open quotient values (calculated from the derivative of the electroglottographic signal, which has been shown to yield very accurate values) do not vary significantly with emphasis. A description in terms of curve amplification is put forward. As for changes in length, they appear to be speaker-dependent.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Tones B2 and D2 of Hanoi Vietnamese have strongly contrasting voice quality features: tone B2, which is glottally constricted, is here compared with a similar but nonconstricted tone (tone D2). Under emphasis, the slope of F 0 curves is increased and/or F 0 register is raised. The open quotient values (calculated from the derivative of the electroglottographic signal, which has been shown to yield very accurate values) do not vary significantly with emphasis. A description in terms of curve amplification is put forward. As for changes in length, they appear to be speaker-dependent.
Michaud, Alexis; Vu,; Tuân, Ngoc
Glottalized and Nonglottalized Tones under Emphasis: Open Quotient Curves Remain Stable, F0 Curve is Modified Journal Article
In: pp. 745-748, 2004.
@article{Michaud2004d,
title = {Glottalized and Nonglottalized Tones under Emphasis: Open Quotient Curves Remain Stable, F0 Curve is Modified},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Vu and Ngoc Tuân},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-01},
pages = {745-748},
abstract = {Tones B2 and D2 of Hanoi Vietnamese have strongly contrasting voice quality features: tone B2, which is glottally constricted, is here compared with a similar but nonconstricted tone (tone D2). Under emphasis, the slope of F 0 curves is increased and/or F 0 register is raised. The open quotient values (calculated from the derivative of the electroglottographic signal, which has been shown to yield very accurate values) do not vary significantly with emphasis. A description in terms of curve amplification is put forward. As for changes in length, they appear to be speaker-dependent.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Tones B2 and D2 of Hanoi Vietnamese have strongly contrasting voice quality features: tone B2, which is glottally constricted, is here compared with a similar but nonconstricted tone (tone D2). Under emphasis, the slope of F 0 curves is increased and/or F 0 register is raised. The open quotient values (calculated from the derivative of the electroglottographic signal, which has been shown to yield very accurate values) do not vary significantly with emphasis. A description in terms of curve amplification is put forward. As for changes in length, they appear to be speaker-dependent.
Michaud, Alexis; Vu-Ngoc, Tuân
Glottalized and Nonglottalized Tones under Emphasis: Open Quotient Curves Remain Stable, F0 Curve is Modified Journal Article
In: International Speech Communication Association (ISCA), pp. 745-748, 2004.
@article{Michaud2004f,
title = {Glottalized and Nonglottalized Tones under Emphasis: Open Quotient Curves Remain Stable, F0 Curve is Modified},
author = {Alexis Michaud and Tuân Vu-Ngoc},
editor = {Bernard Bel and Isabelle Marlien},
url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/file/index/docid/134409/filename/Michaud_VuNgoc2004.pdf},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-01},
journal = {International Speech Communication Association (ISCA)},
pages = {745-748},
abstract = {Tones B2 and D2 of Hanoi Vietnamese have strongly contrasting voice quality features: tone B2, which is glottally constricted, is here compared with a similar but nonconstricted tone (tone D2). Under emphasis, the slope of F 0 curves is increased and/or F 0 register is raised. The open quotient values (calculated from the derivative of the electroglottographic signal, which has been shown to yield very accurate values) do not vary significantly with emphasis. A description in terms of curve amplification is put forward. As for changes in length, they appear to be speaker-dependent.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Tones B2 and D2 of Hanoi Vietnamese have strongly contrasting voice quality features: tone B2, which is glottally constricted, is here compared with a similar but nonconstricted tone (tone D2). Under emphasis, the slope of F 0 curves is increased and/or F 0 register is raised. The open quotient values (calculated from the derivative of the electroglottographic signal, which has been shown to yield very accurate values) do not vary significantly with emphasis. A description in terms of curve amplification is put forward. As for changes in length, they appear to be speaker-dependent.
2003
Michaud, Alexis
3 Focus and lexical tones: a variety of prosodic parameters Miscellaneous
2003.
@misc{Michaud2003,
title = {3 Focus and lexical tones: a variety of prosodic parameters},
author = {Alexis Michaud},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-01-01},
abstract = {In the tonal languages of Asia there is a great latitude of variation in the prosodic realization of the syllables, which does not prevent the identification of lexical tones. The study of syllables under focus in Naxi, the Tibetan-Burmese language, shows the diversity of prosodic parameters by which the superposition of tones and intonation takes place. The use of electroglottography, a non-invasive measurement of the surface area of the vocal cords, allows two complementary measurements of the commonly noted parameters, namely the fundamental frequency, the duration and the intensity. The first is that of the open quotient, which helps in particular to characterize the accent of insistence, a phenomenon present in naxi (and most certainly universal), distinct from focusing. The second measurement is that of the amplitude of the closing peaks measured on the derivative of the electroglottographic signal; this measure called DECPA, studied for the first time, helps to shed light on questions of intensity and vocal effort.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {misc}
}
In the tonal languages of Asia there is a great latitude of variation in the prosodic realization of the syllables, which does not prevent the identification of lexical tones. The study of syllables under focus in Naxi, the Tibetan-Burmese language, shows the diversity of prosodic parameters by which the superposition of tones and intonation takes place. The use of electroglottography, a non-invasive measurement of the surface area of the vocal cords, allows two complementary measurements of the commonly noted parameters, namely the fundamental frequency, the duration and the intensity. The first is that of the open quotient, which helps in particular to characterize the accent of insistence, a phenomenon present in naxi (and most certainly universal), distinct from focusing. The second measurement is that of the amplitude of the closing peaks measured on the derivative of the electroglottographic signal; this measure called DECPA, studied for the first time, helps to shed light on questions of intensity and vocal effort.