Andrea Hoa Pham
2020
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Poetry Translation from a Tonal Language (Vietnamese) to a Non-Tonal Language Journal Article
In: Delos: A Journal of Translation and World Literature, vol. 35, no. 2, pp. 128–140-128–140, 2020.
@article{Pham2020b,
title = {Poetry Translation from a Tonal Language (Vietnamese) to a Non-Tonal Language},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-12-30},
journal = {Delos: A Journal of Translation and World Literature},
volume = {35},
number = {2},
pages = {128–140-128–140},
abstract = {In this essay, as a bilingual speaker as well as a poet and linguist, I will share some issues involved in the translation of a bilingual collection of poems by Andrea Hoa Pham and Lola Haskins, published by Danang Publishing House. The collection includes twenty Vietnamese poems originally written in Vietnamese by Pham, and twenty written in English by Haskins; each original poem is accompanied by a translated version. In the process, I translated Haskins’s poems into Vietnamese. For my original Vietnamese poems, I translated them into English, and Haskins adapted the English versions as an American poet and native speaker of English. Over several meetings, we discussed the deep meanings behind the text, line by line, written by the other, although without discussing the sound of the languages or reading them aloud to each other.},
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In this essay, as a bilingual speaker as well as a poet and linguist, I will share some issues involved in the translation of a bilingual collection of poems by Andrea Hoa Pham and Lola Haskins, published by Danang Publishing House. The collection includes twenty Vietnamese poems originally written in Vietnamese by Pham, and twenty written in English by Haskins; each original poem is accompanied by a translated version. In the process, I translated Haskins’s poems into Vietnamese. For my original Vietnamese poems, I translated them into English, and Haskins adapted the English versions as an American poet and native speaker of English. Over several meetings, we discussed the deep meanings behind the text, line by line, written by the other, although without discussing the sound of the languages or reading them aloud to each other.
Pham, Andrea Hoa; Pham, Andrew Anh
Productive Reduplication in Southern Vietnamese Journal Article
In: Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, vol. 13, no. 2, pp. i-x, 2020.
@article{Pham2020bb,
title = {Productive Reduplication in Southern Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham and Andrew Anh Pham},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-09-08},
journal = {Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society},
volume = {13},
number = {2},
pages = {i-x},
abstract = {Vietnamese reduplication shows harmony in tone height between base and reduplicant. This paper presents statistical analysis of productive reduplication in southern Vietnamese, which, unlike northern Vietnamese, has only one C tone and phonation of creakiness is not phonemically present. Our main findings show that reduplicative forms with tone-register harmony are used significantly less often than forms without and that the syllabic structure correlates with tone-register harmony preference.},
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Vietnamese reduplication shows harmony in tone height between base and reduplicant. This paper presents statistical analysis of productive reduplication in southern Vietnamese, which, unlike northern Vietnamese, has only one C tone and phonation of creakiness is not phonemically present. Our main findings show that reduplicative forms with tone-register harmony are used significantly less often than forms without and that the syllabic structure correlates with tone-register harmony preference.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Contact-induced change and the phonemicization of the vowel/ɑ/in Quảng Nam Vietnamese Book Chapter
In: pp. 432-451, John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2020.
@inbook{Pham2020bb,
title = {Contact-induced change and the phonemicization of the vowel/ɑ/in Quảng Nam Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
doi = {10.1075/cilt.350.20pha},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-07-15},
pages = {432-451},
publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
abstract = {This paper is an account of the emergence of the low, back, unrounded vowel /ɑ/ in the Quảng Nam dialect spoken in south central Vietnam. This vowel is not seen in any other dialects. The paper provides evidence for a trace of this vowel in two subdialects of Hà Tĩnh province, north central Vietnam (Phạm, 1997, 2014, 2016), and claims that the Quảng Nam /ɑ/ originated from Hà Tĩnh dialects through migration. It was brought to Quảng Nam by early settlers mainly during the 15th to 18th centuries, where the vowel was further internally restructured through various linguistic processes. The Quảng Nam /ɑ/, therefore, originates from two sources: dialect contact and internal restructuring.},
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This paper is an account of the emergence of the low, back, unrounded vowel /ɑ/ in the Quảng Nam dialect spoken in south central Vietnam. This vowel is not seen in any other dialects. The paper provides evidence for a trace of this vowel in two subdialects of Hà Tĩnh province, north central Vietnam (Phạm, 1997, 2014, 2016), and claims that the Quảng Nam /ɑ/ originated from Hà Tĩnh dialects through migration. It was brought to Quảng Nam by early settlers mainly during the 15th to 18th centuries, where the vowel was further internally restructured through various linguistic processes. The Quảng Nam /ɑ/, therefore, originates from two sources: dialect contact and internal restructuring.
Pham, Andrea Hoa; Pham, Andrew Anh
Sociolinguistic variation in attitudes to pronoun use among couples in southern Vietnam-a statistical analysis Journal Article
In: John Benjamins, vol. 13, pp. 112-123, 2020.
@article{Pham2020,
title = {Sociolinguistic variation in attitudes to pronoun use among couples in southern Vietnam-a statistical analysis},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham and Andrew Anh Pham},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-01-01},
journal = {John Benjamins},
volume = {13},
pages = {112-123},
abstract = {Terms of address in Vietnamese are dominantly kinship terms. Among very few personal pronouns are three singular forms: tao (1st person), mày (2nd person), and nó (3rd person). These pronouns are genderless and hierarchical. Their usage expresses either solidarity or authority. Many studies have found that women tend to be more polite in their speech than men. This difference is assumed to be evident in a Confucian-based Vietnamese society, where inequality between the genders is so prevalent in the family structure that females are expected not to use personal pronouns towards or about their husbands in any situations. Vietnamese personal pronouns have never been studied in the context of politeness. In this study, we survey the endorsement of the three singular personal pronouns among couples in southern Vietnam. The study aims to investigate whether it is true that there are differences between genders in endorsing on these pronouns' usage. Results confirm the stereotype: participants consider personal pronoun usage significantly more acceptable when used by men talking about/to women than when used by women talking about/to men. Furthermore, the study also shows that the stereotype in the use of personal pronouns differs among social groups and subcultures.},
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Terms of address in Vietnamese are dominantly kinship terms. Among very few personal pronouns are three singular forms: tao (1st person), mày (2nd person), and nó (3rd person). These pronouns are genderless and hierarchical. Their usage expresses either solidarity or authority. Many studies have found that women tend to be more polite in their speech than men. This difference is assumed to be evident in a Confucian-based Vietnamese society, where inequality between the genders is so prevalent in the family structure that females are expected not to use personal pronouns towards or about their husbands in any situations. Vietnamese personal pronouns have never been studied in the context of politeness. In this study, we survey the endorsement of the three singular personal pronouns among couples in southern Vietnam. The study aims to investigate whether it is true that there are differences between genders in endorsing on these pronouns' usage. Results confirm the stereotype: participants consider personal pronoun usage significantly more acceptable when used by men talking about/to women than when used by women talking about/to men. Furthermore, the study also shows that the stereotype in the use of personal pronouns differs among social groups and subcultures.
2019
Pham, Andrea Hoa; Haskins, Lola
Five Conversations between Vietnamese and American Poems Journal Article
In: vol. 34, no. 2, pp. 145-302, 2019.
@article{Pham2019b,
title = {Five Conversations between Vietnamese and American Poems},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham and Lola Haskins},
doi = {: 10.5744/delos.2019.1017},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-10-01},
volume = {34},
number = {2},
pages = {145-302},
abstract = {Dance with Me, the book from which these poems are drawn, is a friendship book/conversation between the cultures of the two authors, Andrea Hoa Pham and Lola Haskins. Each is a poet in her own language, Vietnamese and English respectively, and to some extent the work here illustrates clearly, even at the glance of the reader’s eye from one poem to another, the differences in the poetic language and poetic conventions available to, and chosen by, the two writers.},
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Dance with Me, the book from which these poems are drawn, is a friendship book/conversation between the cultures of the two authors, Andrea Hoa Pham and Lola Haskins. Each is a poet in her own language, Vietnamese and English respectively, and to some extent the work here illustrates clearly, even at the glance of the reader’s eye from one poem to another, the differences in the poetic language and poetic conventions available to, and chosen by, the two writers.
Pham, Andrea Hoa; Nguyen, Andrew
Tone-register harmony in Vietnamese reduplication: Change in progress? Journal Article
In: KFC Halls and Rooms in Ryogoku, Tokyo, Japan., pp. 65, 2019.
@article{Pham2019bb,
title = {Tone-register harmony in Vietnamese reduplication: Change in progress?},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham and Andrew Nguyen},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-05-29},
journal = {KFC Halls and Rooms in Ryogoku, Tokyo, Japan.},
pages = {65},
abstract = {A survey was carried out using 21 stative verbs to investigate the way these reduplicative patterns are used across dialects, and if there is any difference in verbal or written communication style. The main findings are:(a) across dialects, speakers use full reduplication significantly more often than partial reduplication for C and D tones;(b) southerners use full reduplication more than northerners for B and C tones (p=. 004 and. 044 respectively); and (c) across dialects, full reduplication is used significantly more often in verbal compared to written style (p<. 001), and within the written style alone. C tones were treated as C1 across dialects. The fact that partial reduplication is used more in written than verbal style, where correct spelling is expected even C2 tone does not exist in southern dialects, suggests that the so-called “productive” partial reduplication might be on the process of being lexicalized, with the influence of orthography.},
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A survey was carried out using 21 stative verbs to investigate the way these reduplicative patterns are used across dialects, and if there is any difference in verbal or written communication style. The main findings are:(a) across dialects, speakers use full reduplication significantly more often than partial reduplication for C and D tones;(b) southerners use full reduplication more than northerners for B and C tones (p=. 004 and. 044 respectively); and (c) across dialects, full reduplication is used significantly more often in verbal compared to written style (p<. 001), and within the written style alone. C tones were treated as C1 across dialects. The fact that partial reduplication is used more in written than verbal style, where correct spelling is expected even C2 tone does not exist in southern dialects, suggests that the so-called “productive” partial reduplication might be on the process of being lexicalized, with the influence of orthography.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vietnamese dialects - a case of sound change through contact Book Chapter
In: vol. 211, pp. 31-66, John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2019.
@inbook{Pham2019,
title = {Vietnamese dialects - a case of sound change through contact},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2019},
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volume = {211},
pages = {31-66},
publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
abstract = {Among Vietnamese dialects, the southern dialect of Quảng Nam is notable for its rimal peculiarities. These properties have not generally been reported for any other Vietnamese dialects. However, some features–in particular, the vowel [ɑ] and correspondence between [aw] and [o]–have recently been observed in small dialects of the north-central Hà Tĩnh region. The Thanh Hoá dialect, spoken in a province which lies between the northern and north-central regions of Vietnam, bears certain close similarities to Quảng Nam dialect, yet does not share the features in the same way as they are shared between Quảng Nam and the Hà Tĩnh subdialects. The paper argues for a link between these three non-standard varieties, Quảng Nam, Hà Tĩnh and Thanh Hoá dialects, each belonging to a different major dialectal group (and each geographically separated from one another). Through an examination of the similarities and differences between these dialects, focusing on the Hà Tĩnh subdialect, it is argued that historical migration is the cause of sound change in the Quảng Nam dialect. The paper claims that Quảng Nam dialect was based on the speech of migrants from Thanh Hoá province, and has subsequently integrated certain features from the speech of Hà Tĩnh migrants.},
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Among Vietnamese dialects, the southern dialect of Quảng Nam is notable for its rimal peculiarities. These properties have not generally been reported for any other Vietnamese dialects. However, some features–in particular, the vowel [ɑ] and correspondence between [aw] and [o]–have recently been observed in small dialects of the north-central Hà Tĩnh region. The Thanh Hoá dialect, spoken in a province which lies between the northern and north-central regions of Vietnam, bears certain close similarities to Quảng Nam dialect, yet does not share the features in the same way as they are shared between Quảng Nam and the Hà Tĩnh subdialects. The paper argues for a link between these three non-standard varieties, Quảng Nam, Hà Tĩnh and Thanh Hoá dialects, each belonging to a different major dialectal group (and each geographically separated from one another). Through an examination of the similarities and differences between these dialects, focusing on the Hà Tĩnh subdialect, it is argued that historical migration is the cause of sound change in the Quảng Nam dialect. The paper claims that Quảng Nam dialect was based on the speech of migrants from Thanh Hoá province, and has subsequently integrated certain features from the speech of Hà Tĩnh migrants.
2018
Pham, Andrea Hoa; Nguyen, Andrew
Gender-bias in Vietnamese address terms, a statistical study Book Chapter
In: Siem Reap, Cambodia, 2018.
@inbook{Pham2018,
title = {Gender-bias in Vietnamese address terms, a statistical study},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham and Andrew Nguyen},
year = {2018},
date = {2018-04-20},
publisher = {Siem Reap, Cambodia},
abstract = {Inequality between men and women has been shown to exist in multiple countries and across a number of dimensions (eg, Sanchez & Rudman 2012; Blair & Lichter 1991; Joseph 1996; Gershuny & Robinson, 1988). Vietnamese traditional family and society are not an exception. Inequality between Vietnamese men and women has been reported in the areas of labor division in household chores, employment patterns, and domestic violence. Research on gender-related issues in Vietnam are abundant (eg, Drummond 2004, Marr 1981, Knodel et al 2004); however, issues on gender and language are scarcely studied. Those studies mainly focus on gender differences in politeness in speech acts (eg, Le 2010). In Vietnamese, three pronouns (the pair tao-mày ‘I-you’, and the third person, singular nó ‘he/she’) are gendered-neutral and hierarchical. They are normally used among siblings or close friends, but not spouses or couples in romantic relationships. This study is a statistical survey of the usage of these pronouns in intimate relationships among Vietnamese couples. The results show that among independent variables, education and career have a strong statistical significance, and are correlated to both dependent linguistic variables tao-mày ‘I-you’and nó ‘he/she’. Compared to a person with less education, an educated person is significantly more likely not to use these pronouns towards their partner. A person with a white-collar job is significantly more likely not to use these pronouns towards their partners. Other independent variables (gender, age, marriage status and region) are not significant.},
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Inequality between men and women has been shown to exist in multiple countries and across a number of dimensions (eg, Sanchez & Rudman 2012; Blair & Lichter 1991; Joseph 1996; Gershuny & Robinson, 1988). Vietnamese traditional family and society are not an exception. Inequality between Vietnamese men and women has been reported in the areas of labor division in household chores, employment patterns, and domestic violence. Research on gender-related issues in Vietnam are abundant (eg, Drummond 2004, Marr 1981, Knodel et al 2004); however, issues on gender and language are scarcely studied. Those studies mainly focus on gender differences in politeness in speech acts (eg, Le 2010). In Vietnamese, three pronouns (the pair tao-mày ‘I-you’, and the third person, singular nó ‘he/she’) are gendered-neutral and hierarchical. They are normally used among siblings or close friends, but not spouses or couples in romantic relationships. This study is a statistical survey of the usage of these pronouns in intimate relationships among Vietnamese couples. The results show that among independent variables, education and career have a strong statistical significance, and are correlated to both dependent linguistic variables tao-mày ‘I-you’and nó ‘he/she’. Compared to a person with less education, an educated person is significantly more likely not to use these pronouns towards their partner. A person with a white-collar job is significantly more likely not to use these pronouns towards their partners. Other independent variables (gender, age, marriage status and region) are not significant.
2016
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Sound change in Vietnamese rhymes: the dialect of Hen village, Duc Tho district, Ha Tinh province Journal Article
In: Journal of Vietnamese Linguistics, vol. 11, pp. 7-26, 2016.
@article{Pham2016b,
title = {Sound change in Vietnamese rhymes: the dialect of Hen village, Duc Tho district, Ha Tinh province},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2016},
date = {2016-11-01},
journal = {Journal of Vietnamese Linguistics},
volume = {11},
pages = {7-26},
abstract = {This paper is a result of ongoing research on sound change in Vietnamese rhymes through dialect contact. The study aims to describe and compare local dialects which share certain features in their phonological systems. This paper describes a local dialect spoken in the hamlet of Hến, Trương Sơn commune, Đức Thọ county, Ha ̀ Tinh province in north central Vietnam. There is a vowel in this dialect not found anywhere outside the Quang Nam and Quang Ngai dialects of central Vietnam. By examining the phonological distribution and acoustic characteristics of this vowel, the paper argues that this is the low, back, unrounded vowel /ɑ/. This hypothesis explains why the vowel is found only in the speech of the Quang Nam and Quang Ngai people, whose ancestors migrated in waves from the north central region during the time of the Nguyễn Lords' reign in central and south Vietnam. The existence of /ɑ/ in the Hến dialect suggests that the Hến dialect is one of interdialects, connecting dialects of north central Vietnam to those of central Vietnam. The data were collected in the Hến hamlet in early 2016.},
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This paper is a result of ongoing research on sound change in Vietnamese rhymes through dialect contact. The study aims to describe and compare local dialects which share certain features in their phonological systems. This paper describes a local dialect spoken in the hamlet of Hến, Trương Sơn commune, Đức Thọ county, Ha ̀ Tinh province in north central Vietnam. There is a vowel in this dialect not found anywhere outside the Quang Nam and Quang Ngai dialects of central Vietnam. By examining the phonological distribution and acoustic characteristics of this vowel, the paper argues that this is the low, back, unrounded vowel /ɑ/. This hypothesis explains why the vowel is found only in the speech of the Quang Nam and Quang Ngai people, whose ancestors migrated in waves from the north central region during the time of the Nguyễn Lords' reign in central and south Vietnam. The existence of /ɑ/ in the Hến dialect suggests that the Hến dialect is one of interdialects, connecting dialects of north central Vietnam to those of central Vietnam. The data were collected in the Hến hamlet in early 2016.
Pham, Andrea Hoa; Kang, Yoonjung; Storme, Benjamin
French loanwords in Vietnamese: the role of input language phonotactics and contrast in loanword adaptation Journal Article
In: Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology, 2016.
@article{Pham2016,
title = {French loanwords in Vietnamese: the role of input language phonotactics and contrast in loanword adaptation},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham and Yoonjung Kang and Benjamin Storme},
doi = {10.3765/amp.v2i0.3749},
year = {2016},
date = {2016-06-01},
journal = {Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology},
abstract = {This study examines the adaptation of French vowels in Vietnamese focusing on adaptation patterns that seem to defy a straightforward analysis based on native phonotactic restrictions or comparison of phonetic input-output similarity. A proper analysis requires reference to knowledge of the input language phonology. In the first case study, we observe that Vietnamese adapters extend the French phonotactic tendencies, i.e., Loi de Position, to loan adaptation productively. Such “intrusion” of L2 phonology knowledge may arise when phonetics underdetermines the adaptation and the adapters look to their knowledge of L2 phonology to arrive at adaptation. It is also notable that the L2 knowledge employed in adaptation is not native-like as the adaptation is not always isomorphic to the French input. In the second case study, the contrast of L2 phonology (/ʁ/ vs. /k/) is neutralized due to an L1 phonological restriction (i.e., no /ʁ/ in Vietnamese coda) but the Vietnamese adaptation systematically retains the contrast in the quality and length difference in the preceding vowel. There is plausible phonetic motivation for this adaptation pattern, but phonetically faithful mapping underdetermines the attested adaptation pattern, and reference to knowledge of L2 phonological contrasts is necessary. These findings illustrate the complexity of the loanword adaptation process, where a variety of different factors including L1 phonological restrictions, phonetic similarity, and L2 phonological knowledge, interact to affect adaptation.},
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This study examines the adaptation of French vowels in Vietnamese focusing on adaptation patterns that seem to defy a straightforward analysis based on native phonotactic restrictions or comparison of phonetic input-output similarity. A proper analysis requires reference to knowledge of the input language phonology. In the first case study, we observe that Vietnamese adapters extend the French phonotactic tendencies, i.e., Loi de Position, to loan adaptation productively. Such “intrusion” of L2 phonology knowledge may arise when phonetics underdetermines the adaptation and the adapters look to their knowledge of L2 phonology to arrive at adaptation. It is also notable that the L2 knowledge employed in adaptation is not native-like as the adaptation is not always isomorphic to the French input. In the second case study, the contrast of L2 phonology (/ʁ/ vs. /k/) is neutralized due to an L1 phonological restriction (i.e., no /ʁ/ in Vietnamese coda) but the Vietnamese adaptation systematically retains the contrast in the quality and length difference in the preceding vowel. There is plausible phonetic motivation for this adaptation pattern, but phonetically faithful mapping underdetermines the attested adaptation pattern, and reference to knowledge of L2 phonological contrasts is necessary. These findings illustrate the complexity of the loanword adaptation process, where a variety of different factors including L1 phonological restrictions, phonetic similarity, and L2 phonological knowledge, interact to affect adaptation.
2014
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Language change and fate of the vowel / a / in Quang Nam [Issues in language change and the phonemic status of / a / in the Quang Nam dialect] Journal Article
In: Journal of Vietnamese Linguistics, vol. 6, pp. 10-18, 2014.
@article{Pham2014,
title = {Language change and fate of the vowel / a / in Quang Nam [Issues in language change and the phonemic status of / a / in the Quang Nam dialect]},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2014},
date = {2014-06-01},
journal = {Journal of Vietnamese Linguistics},
volume = {6},
pages = {10-18},
abstract = {This paper addresses methodological approaches in phonemic analyses and issues in language change in a discussion of the status of vowel /a/ in the Quang Nam dialect. A recent publication claims that there is no vowel /a/ in this dialect, and that the phonemic system of this dialect results from the accent of Cham people speaking Vietnamese during the coexistence between Cham and Viet people from the 14th to the 17th centuries. Using data from recent fieldwork, this paper describes how a dialect or language is examined synchronically. Not only does Quang Nam dialect have the vowel /a/, but length is also distinctive. Migration and language contact between the Cham and the Viet people could trigger, even accelerate changes; however, inherent tendencies of human language seem to be the underlying causes, and the changes are regular. Without recognizing these tendencies and comparing the two languages during the mentioned periods, the claim that those “peculiar” rhymes of the Quang Nam dialect are results from Cham’s accent has no linguistic foundation.},
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This paper addresses methodological approaches in phonemic analyses and issues in language change in a discussion of the status of vowel /a/ in the Quang Nam dialect. A recent publication claims that there is no vowel /a/ in this dialect, and that the phonemic system of this dialect results from the accent of Cham people speaking Vietnamese during the coexistence between Cham and Viet people from the 14th to the 17th centuries. Using data from recent fieldwork, this paper describes how a dialect or language is examined synchronically. Not only does Quang Nam dialect have the vowel /a/, but length is also distinctive. Migration and language contact between the Cham and the Viet people could trigger, even accelerate changes; however, inherent tendencies of human language seem to be the underlying causes, and the changes are regular. Without recognizing these tendencies and comparing the two languages during the mentioned periods, the claim that those “peculiar” rhymes of the Quang Nam dialect are results from Cham’s accent has no linguistic foundation.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Language change and fate of the vowel / a / in Quang Nam [Issues in language change and the phonemic status of / a / in the Quang Nam dialect] Journal Article
In: Journal of Vietnamese Linguistics, no. 6, pp. 10-18, 2014.
@article{Pham2014b,
title = {Language change and fate of the vowel / a / in Quang Nam [Issues in language change and the phonemic status of / a / in the Quang Nam dialect]},
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2013
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vowel Chains in Vietnamese Masters Thesis
2013.
@mastersthesis{Pham2013,
title = {Vowel Chains in Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
doi = {10.13140/RG.2.1.5041.1682},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-05-29},
abstract = {n
Page 1. Vowel Chains in Vietnamese Andrea Hoa Pham University of Florida Presentation at SEALS XXIII Chulalongkorn University, Thailand May 29-31, 2013 Page 2. • Comparison of two Vietnamese speech communities, Hà Nội (northern dialects) and Quảng Nam province: the vowel shifts in closed syllables. Page 3. Where is Quảng nam? Page 4. • Peculiar features in the rhyme that are maintained by members of the QN community. How different from northern dialects? • Characteristics of the vowel shift. Why only in (C)VC the vowel changes in quality? Are these changes context-sensitive or random? • Are there any internal factors that affect the 'changes'? Page 5. Champa Kingdom 192-1832 -1306 King Jaya Sinhavarman III offered Vietnam two northern provinces (roughly corresponded to Quảng Bình, Quảng Trị, Thừa Thiên), as a gift to marry Princess Huyền Trân.},
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n
Page 1. Vowel Chains in Vietnamese Andrea Hoa Pham University of Florida Presentation at SEALS XXIII Chulalongkorn University, Thailand May 29-31, 2013 Page 2. • Comparison of two Vietnamese speech communities, Hà Nội (northern dialects) and Quảng Nam province: the vowel shifts in closed syllables. Page 3. Where is Quảng nam? Page 4. • Peculiar features in the rhyme that are maintained by members of the QN community. How different from northern dialects? • Characteristics of the vowel shift. Why only in (C)VC the vowel changes in quality? Are these changes context-sensitive or random? • Are there any internal factors that affect the 'changes'? Page 5. Champa Kingdom 192-1832 -1306 King Jaya Sinhavarman III offered Vietnam two northern provinces (roughly corresponded to Quảng Bình, Quảng Trị, Thừa Thiên), as a gift to marry Princess Huyền Trân.
Page 1. Vowel Chains in Vietnamese Andrea Hoa Pham University of Florida Presentation at SEALS XXIII Chulalongkorn University, Thailand May 29-31, 2013 Page 2. • Comparison of two Vietnamese speech communities, Hà Nội (northern dialects) and Quảng Nam province: the vowel shifts in closed syllables. Page 3. Where is Quảng nam? Page 4. • Peculiar features in the rhyme that are maintained by members of the QN community. How different from northern dialects? • Characteristics of the vowel shift. Why only in (C)VC the vowel changes in quality? Are these changes context-sensitive or random? • Are there any internal factors that affect the 'changes'? Page 5. Champa Kingdom 192-1832 -1306 King Jaya Sinhavarman III offered Vietnam two northern provinces (roughly corresponded to Quảng Bình, Quảng Trị, Thừa Thiên), as a gift to marry Princess Huyền Trân.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Synchronic Evidence For Historical Hypothesis–Vietnamese Palatals Journal Article
In: LACUS (Linguistic Association of Canada and the United States) Forum, pp. 39, 2013.
@article{Pham2013b,
title = {Synchronic Evidence For Historical Hypothesis–Vietnamese Palatals},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-01-01},
journal = {LACUS (Linguistic Association of Canada and the United States) Forum},
pages = {39},
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Pham, Andrea Hoa
Chain Shift in Vietnamese Book
2013.
@book{Pham2013bb,
title = {Chain Shift in Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-01-01},
abstract = {Page 1. Chain Shift in Vietnamese Andrea Hoa Pham University of Florida SEALS XXIII, 2013 Page 2. • Comparison of two Vietnamese speech communities, Hà Nội (northern dialects) and Quảng Nam province: the 'vowel shifts' in closed syllables. Page 3. Where is Quảng nam? Page 4. • Peculiar features in the rhyme that are maintained by members of the QN community. How different from northern dialects? • Characteristics of the vowel shift. Why only in (C)VC the vowel changes in quality? Are these changes context-sensitive or random? • Are there any internal factors that affect the 'changes'? Page 5. Champa Kingdom 192-1832 -1306 King Jaya Sinhavarman III offered Vietnam two northern provinces (roughly corresponded to Quảng Bình, Quảng Trị, Thừa Thiên), as a gift to marry Princess Huyền Trân. -1402 lost Indrapura (Quảng Nam and Quảng Ngãi).},
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Page 1. Chain Shift in Vietnamese Andrea Hoa Pham University of Florida SEALS XXIII, 2013 Page 2. • Comparison of two Vietnamese speech communities, Hà Nội (northern dialects) and Quảng Nam province: the 'vowel shifts' in closed syllables. Page 3. Where is Quảng nam? Page 4. • Peculiar features in the rhyme that are maintained by members of the QN community. How different from northern dialects? • Characteristics of the vowel shift. Why only in (C)VC the vowel changes in quality? Are these changes context-sensitive or random? • Are there any internal factors that affect the 'changes'? Page 5. Champa Kingdom 192-1832 -1306 King Jaya Sinhavarman III offered Vietnam two northern provinces (roughly corresponded to Quảng Bình, Quảng Trị, Thừa Thiên), as a gift to marry Princess Huyền Trân. -1402 lost Indrapura (Quảng Nam and Quảng Ngãi).
2009
Pham, Andrea Hoa
The identity of non-identified sounds: glottal stop, prevocalic/w/and triphthongs in Vietnamese Journal Article
In: Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 34, 2009.
@article{Pham2009,
title = {The identity of non-identified sounds: glottal stop, prevocalic/w/and triphthongs in Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2009},
date = {2009-01-01},
journal = {Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics},
volume = {34},
abstract = {The phonemic status of the glottal stop has been an issue in many languages of North America and Asia. In Vietnamese, the glottal stop has a distributional restriction in that it occurs only syllable-initially. Whether researchers include it in the initial consonantal inventory varies, and its status has received no systematic analysis. Another sound in dispute is the identity of/w/, the only segment that can occur between the initial consonant and the nucleus vowel. Whether/w/is a segment, a secondary feature of the initial consonant, or a prosodic feature is an open matter. Its questionable status relates to a third question: Do triphthongs really exist in Vietnamese?. This paper addresses these three interrelated issues and argues that/w/is an independent phoneme, the initial glottal stop is best treated as a phoneme, and such triphthongs are phonetic.},
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The phonemic status of the glottal stop has been an issue in many languages of North America and Asia. In Vietnamese, the glottal stop has a distributional restriction in that it occurs only syllable-initially. Whether researchers include it in the initial consonantal inventory varies, and its status has received no systematic analysis. Another sound in dispute is the identity of/w/, the only segment that can occur between the initial consonant and the nucleus vowel. Whether/w/is a segment, a secondary feature of the initial consonant, or a prosodic feature is an open matter. Its questionable status relates to a third question: Do triphthongs really exist in Vietnamese?. This paper addresses these three interrelated issues and argues that/w/is an independent phoneme, the initial glottal stop is best treated as a phoneme, and such triphthongs are phonetic.
2008
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Is there a prosodic word in Vietnamese? Journal Article
In: Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 29, 2008.
@article{Pham2008,
title = {Is there a prosodic word in Vietnamese?},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2008},
date = {2008-01-01},
journal = {Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics},
volume = {29},
abstract = {This paper examines clitics in colloquial Vietnamese to show that there is a possible prosodic structure at the word level in the language and that the domain of this structure does not correspond to a syntactic constituent. A clitic exhibits a phonological dependency on the material to its left. The tone of the clitic remains while all segments are deleted. The tone is then realized on either a syllabic nasal or as a lengthened part of a vowel or a glide depending on the syllabic structure of the host and of the clitic itself. If the host ends in an obstruent, the clitic surfaces as a homorganic syllabic nasal. If the host ends in a vowel or a glide, the clitic surfaces as a lengthened part of that vowel or glide, unless it has a rhymal nasal, in which case it surfaces with its own nasal.},
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This paper examines clitics in colloquial Vietnamese to show that there is a possible prosodic structure at the word level in the language and that the domain of this structure does not correspond to a syntactic constituent. A clitic exhibits a phonological dependency on the material to its left. The tone of the clitic remains while all segments are deleted. The tone is then realized on either a syllabic nasal or as a lengthened part of a vowel or a glide depending on the syllabic structure of the host and of the clitic itself. If the host ends in an obstruent, the clitic surfaces as a homorganic syllabic nasal. If the host ends in a vowel or a glide, the clitic surfaces as a lengthened part of that vowel or glide, unless it has a rhymal nasal, in which case it surfaces with its own nasal.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
The non-issue of dialect in teaching Vietnamese Journal Article
In: Journal of Southeast Asian Language Teaching, vol. 14, pp. 22-39, 2008, ISSN: 1932 3611.
@article{Pham2008b,
title = {The non-issue of dialect in teaching Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
issn = {1932 3611},
year = {2008},
date = {2008-01-01},
journal = {Journal of Southeast Asian Language Teaching},
volume = {14},
pages = {22-39},
abstract = {There is growing discussion concerning which dialect of Vietnamese should be taught in North American classrooms. This paper discusses certain phonological differences between the Hanoi and Saigon dialects to show that the two dialects are structurally equal and socially adequate, a claim that has important implications for planning language programs.},
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There is growing discussion concerning which dialect of Vietnamese should be taught in North American classrooms. This paper discusses certain phonological differences between the Hanoi and Saigon dialects to show that the two dialects are structurally equal and socially adequate, a claim that has important implications for planning language programs.
2007
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Cliticization in casual speech in Vietnamese Journal Article
In: Cahiers de linguistique Asie orientale, vol. 36, no. 2, pp. 219-244, 2007.
@article{Pham2007,
title = {Cliticization in casual speech in Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
doi = {10.3406/clao.2007.1840},
year = {2007},
date = {2007-01-01},
journal = {Cahiers de linguistique Asie orientale},
volume = {36},
number = {2},
pages = {219-244},
abstract = {This paper examines clitics in colloquial Vietnamese. In Vietnamese, a clitic is a syllable that appears as a reduced form in casual speech and exhibits a phonological dependency on the material to its left. Only the tone of the former function word remains, while all its segments may be replaced. If the host ends in an obstruent, the clitic surfaces as a homorganic syllabic nasal. If the host ends in a vowel or a glide, the clitic surfaces as a lengthened part of that vowel or glide, unless it has a nasal rhyme, in which case it surfaces with its own nasal.},
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This paper examines clitics in colloquial Vietnamese. In Vietnamese, a clitic is a syllable that appears as a reduced form in casual speech and exhibits a phonological dependency on the material to its left. Only the tone of the former function word remains, while all its segments may be replaced. If the host ends in an obstruent, the clitic surfaces as a homorganic syllabic nasal. If the host ends in a vowel or a glide, the clitic surfaces as a lengthened part of that vowel or glide, unless it has a nasal rhyme, in which case it surfaces with its own nasal.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Visual techniques to teach Vietnamese sounds Journal Article
In: Proceedings “Toi Khong Hieu: Improving Students’ Speaking Success in Vietnamese, 2007.
@article{Pham2007b,
title = {Visual techniques to teach Vietnamese sounds},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2007},
date = {2007-01-01},
journal = {Proceedings “Toi Khong Hieu: Improving Students’ Speaking Success in Vietnamese},
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pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
2006
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vietnamese Rhyme Journal Article
In: Southwest Journal of Linguistics, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 107-142, 2006.
@article{Pham2006,
title = {Vietnamese Rhyme},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-12-01},
journal = {Southwest Journal of Linguistics},
volume = {25},
number = {2},
pages = {107-142},
abstract = {Various places of articulation, e.g. coronal, velar, labial, and laryngeal, have been argued to be unmarked for consonants. This paper provides the description of rhymal systems in the two major dialects of Vietnam, Hanoi and Saigon, and argues that in all Vietnamese dialects there is a placeless consonant. This consonant in the Hanoi dialect is realized as a coronal from Coronal Default. In the Saigon dialect, the placeless consonant is determined by the quality and quantity of the preceding vowel: a coronal after a short front vowel, or otherwise a velar. The feature sharing between the vowel and final consonant is carried out through a constraint on the rhyme, the Syllable Weight Constraint, which also accounts for the centralization of certain short vowels found in all dialects. The paper, therefore, provides more evidence for the claim that markedness is relative and the implementation of markedness is dialect/language-particular.},
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Various places of articulation, e.g. coronal, velar, labial, and laryngeal, have been argued to be unmarked for consonants. This paper provides the description of rhymal systems in the two major dialects of Vietnam, Hanoi and Saigon, and argues that in all Vietnamese dialects there is a placeless consonant. This consonant in the Hanoi dialect is realized as a coronal from Coronal Default. In the Saigon dialect, the placeless consonant is determined by the quality and quantity of the preceding vowel: a coronal after a short front vowel, or otherwise a velar. The feature sharing between the vowel and final consonant is carried out through a constraint on the rhyme, the Syllable Weight Constraint, which also accounts for the centralization of certain short vowels found in all dialects. The paper, therefore, provides more evidence for the claim that markedness is relative and the implementation of markedness is dialect/language-particular.
2005
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vietnamese tonal system in Nghi Loc Journal Article
In: Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 24, 2005.
@article{Pham2005,
title = {Vietnamese tonal system in Nghi Loc},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2005},
date = {2005-01-01},
journal = {Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics},
volume = {24},
abstract = {This paper is a preliminary report on Vietnamese tones in Central Vietnam, the most conservative dialects of Vietnamese. It describes and discusses the F0 contours and tonal neutralizations in the two sub-dialects of Nghe An Province. The results show that, unlike in the Northern and Southern dialects, there are no falling-rising contours in the examined dialects. The general shape of all tones is slightly falling. Contour does not play the same crucial role as in Northern and Southern dialects. In addition, the difference in the F0 values between tones is very small. Spectrographic inspection shows that unlike the Northern dialects, these dialects do not have creaky voice. An examination of the tonal neutralization suggests that the tonal inventory in these two sub-dialects consists of 4, or even 3, tones in open syllables, the smallest inventory found among all dialects. However, only an analysis of a large sample of data from one speaker and across speakers, along with perceptual tests would confirm the tonal inventory in each sub-dialect.},
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This paper is a preliminary report on Vietnamese tones in Central Vietnam, the most conservative dialects of Vietnamese. It describes and discusses the F0 contours and tonal neutralizations in the two sub-dialects of Nghe An Province. The results show that, unlike in the Northern and Southern dialects, there are no falling-rising contours in the examined dialects. The general shape of all tones is slightly falling. Contour does not play the same crucial role as in Northern and Southern dialects. In addition, the difference in the F0 values between tones is very small. Spectrographic inspection shows that unlike the Northern dialects, these dialects do not have creaky voice. An examination of the tonal neutralization suggests that the tonal inventory in these two sub-dialects consists of 4, or even 3, tones in open syllables, the smallest inventory found among all dialects. However, only an analysis of a large sample of data from one speaker and across speakers, along with perceptual tests would confirm the tonal inventory in each sub-dialect.
2004
Pham, Andrea Hoa
A Phonological Model for Intonation without Low Tone Journal Article
In: Linguistic Society of America, vol. 80, no. 1, pp. 168-168, 2004.
@article{Pham2004,
title = {A Phonological Model for Intonation without Low Tone},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
doi = {10.1353/lan.2004.0036},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-01},
journal = {Linguistic Society of America},
volume = {80},
number = {1},
pages = {168-168},
abstract = {LANGUAGE, VOLUME 80, NUMBER 1 (2004) 168 tuguese, and Italian) also have quantificational fronting. Finally, in the framework of optimality theory, KRISZTA SZENDRO I shows how a single ranking of constraints can account for the differences between three constructions in Italian that involve a marked focused element.},
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LANGUAGE, VOLUME 80, NUMBER 1 (2004) 168 tuguese, and Italian) also have quantificational fronting. Finally, in the framework of optimality theory, KRISZTA SZENDRO I shows how a single ranking of constraints can account for the differences between three constructions in Italian that involve a marked focused element.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Sounds and Systems: Studies in Structure and Change: A Festschrift for Theo Vennemann Journal Article
In: Language, vol. 80, no. 1, pp. 186-186, 2004.
@article{Pham2004b,
title = {Sounds and Systems: Studies in Structure and Change: A Festschrift for Theo Vennemann},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
doi = {10.1353/lan.2004.0037},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-01},
journal = {Language},
volume = {80},
number = {1},
pages = {186-186},
abstract = {LANGUAGE, VOLUME 80, NUMBER 1 (2004) 186 assumes that the default setting is local binding, Principle A does not need to be changed in Arabic, while Principle B does, to be set to nonlocal binding. In ‘The role of L1 transfer in L2 acquisition of inflectional morphology’, MOHAMMAD ALHAWARY examines data from interviews of college students of Arabic. Correct subject-verb agreement is acquired before noun-adjective agreement, despite the opposite ordering in their textbooks. Alhawary’s explanation is through a full-transfer model: English speakers already have the functional structures for subject-verb agreement but not for adjectival agreement. The collection may prove interesting to those generally curious about formal and experimental approaches to Semitic linguistics, though I should mention that many articles are quite specialized and devote more space to highly detailed graphs, charts, and tables.},
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LANGUAGE, VOLUME 80, NUMBER 1 (2004) 186 assumes that the default setting is local binding, Principle A does not need to be changed in Arabic, while Principle B does, to be set to nonlocal binding. In ‘The role of L1 transfer in L2 acquisition of inflectional morphology’, MOHAMMAD ALHAWARY examines data from interviews of college students of Arabic. Correct subject-verb agreement is acquired before noun-adjective agreement, despite the opposite ordering in their textbooks. Alhawary’s explanation is through a full-transfer model: English speakers already have the functional structures for subject-verb agreement but not for adjectival agreement. The collection may prove interesting to those generally curious about formal and experimental approaches to Semitic linguistics, though I should mention that many articles are quite specialized and devote more space to highly detailed graphs, charts, and tables.
2003
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vietnamese Tone: A New Analysis Book
Routledge, 2003, ISBN: 0-415-96762-7.
@book{Pham2003,
title = {Vietnamese Tone: A New Analysis},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
editor = { Laurence Horn},
doi = {10.4324/9780203500088},
isbn = {0-415-96762-7},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-06-01},
publisher = {Routledge},
abstract = {This book is a 'reader friendly' version of my 2001 doctoral dissertation submitted to the University of Toronto (Hoa Pham, Vietnamese Tone: Tone is not Pitch). There are no substantive changes only those of an editorial nature. I have given the original dissertation a new title and also made some changes in the internal titles. There is some slight reordering of material and some pruning to eliminate various redundancies. There are also stylistic changes throughout. However, all the original data and claims remain as they were.},
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This book is a 'reader friendly' version of my 2001 doctoral dissertation submitted to the University of Toronto (Hoa Pham, Vietnamese Tone: Tone is not Pitch). There are no substantive changes only those of an editorial nature. I have given the original dissertation a new title and also made some changes in the internal titles. There is some slight reordering of material and some pruning to eliminate various redundancies. There are also stylistic changes throughout. However, all the original data and claims remain as they were.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
The key phonetic properties of Vietnamese tone: A reassessment Journal Article
In: International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Barcelona, pp. 1703-1706, 2003, ISBN: 1-876346-48-5.
@article{Pham2003b,
title = {The key phonetic properties of Vietnamese tone: A reassessment},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
isbn = {1-876346-48-5},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-01-01},
journal = {International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Barcelona},
pages = {1703-1706},
abstract = {Tone in Vietnamese is usually equated to pitch. There are eight tones in standard North Vietnamese: ngang (high level), huyen (low level), sac1 (rising), nang1 (dropping), nga (broken), hoi (falling-rising), sac2 (rising, short), and nang2 (falling, short). Phonologically, these tones are said to fall into two registers: high (ngang, sac1, hoi, and sac2) and low (huyen, nang1, nga, and nang2). However, there is a serious mismatch: phonologically, hoi is high but, phonetically, it is low, and nga, is the opposite, phonologically low but phonetically high. Experimental evidence from an acoustic study that examined phonation types shows that breathiness and creakiness rather than pitch height are the primary perceptual cues of tone. This study resolves the apparent anomaly with hoi and nga and casts serious doubts on the simple equation of tone to pitch.},
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Tone in Vietnamese is usually equated to pitch. There are eight tones in standard North Vietnamese: ngang (high level), huyen (low level), sac1 (rising), nang1 (dropping), nga (broken), hoi (falling-rising), sac2 (rising, short), and nang2 (falling, short). Phonologically, these tones are said to fall into two registers: high (ngang, sac1, hoi, and sac2) and low (huyen, nang1, nga, and nang2). However, there is a serious mismatch: phonologically, hoi is high but, phonetically, it is low, and nga, is the opposite, phonologically low but phonetically high. Experimental evidence from an acoustic study that examined phonation types shows that breathiness and creakiness rather than pitch height are the primary perceptual cues of tone. This study resolves the apparent anomaly with hoi and nga and casts serious doubts on the simple equation of tone to pitch.
2002
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Gender in addressing and self-reference in Vietnamese Book Chapter
In: vol. 2, pp. 281-312, John Benjamins, 2002.
@inbook{Pham2002,
title = {Gender in addressing and self-reference in Vietnamese},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
doi = {10.1075/impact.10.17pha},
year = {2002},
date = {2002-01-01},
volume = {2},
pages = {281-312},
publisher = {John Benjamins},
abstract = {282 Hoa Pham belongs to the Viet-Muong branch of the Mon-Khmer subfamily of Austro-Asiatic languages. It is spoken by about 76 million people (Dodd & Lewis 1998). The Northern standard language is based on the Hanoi dialect. The Southern standard dialect is based on the speech of people living in Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City). There is also a Central standard dialect focused on the speech of Hue. The Hanoi dialect is closest to the writing system, which encodes all those contrasts that are found in all dialects. The dialects form a continuum from north to south. With regard to tone, Northern and Southern dialects share many features, while Central dialects stand on their own. Vietnamese is spoken not only in Vietnam, but also in parts of Cambodia, Laos and Thailand. After the political victory of the North in 1975, people fled the country in great numbers. There are about two million Vietnamese people living all over the world, half of them in North America.},
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282 Hoa Pham belongs to the Viet-Muong branch of the Mon-Khmer subfamily of Austro-Asiatic languages. It is spoken by about 76 million people (Dodd & Lewis 1998). The Northern standard language is based on the Hanoi dialect. The Southern standard dialect is based on the speech of people living in Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City). There is also a Central standard dialect focused on the speech of Hue. The Hanoi dialect is closest to the writing system, which encodes all those contrasts that are found in all dialects. The dialects form a continuum from north to south. With regard to tone, Northern and Southern dialects share many features, while Central dialects stand on their own. Vietnamese is spoken not only in Vietnam, but also in parts of Cambodia, Laos and Thailand. After the political victory of the North in 1975, people fled the country in great numbers. There are about two million Vietnamese people living all over the world, half of them in North America.
2001
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vietnamese tone, tone is not pitch Journal Article
In: Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics, 2001, ISSN: 1718-3510.
@article{Pham2001,
title = {Vietnamese tone, tone is not pitch},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
issn = {1718-3510},
year = {2001},
date = {2001-01-01},
journal = {Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics},
abstract = {This thesis is an in-depth study of the phonology and phonetics of tones in Northern Vietnamese dialects. It examines tone within the framework of markedness theory, the phonetic realizations of tones, the relationshp benveen the phonetics and phonology of tones, and the implications of the proposed analysis for other dialects of Vietnamese.
First, 1 propose a phonological model in which tones are structuraily organized. In this model, tones are grouped together as constituents according to their rnarkedness relationship. Evidence for the structural organization of tones comes from neuualization in dialects and redupiication, and also from tonal frequency in the language, poetry, borrowings and clitics. This evidence points to tones having nvo major constituents, contour and register, each of which can pattern independently. Second, I show that the proposed features are grounded phoneticdy. 1 argue that
instead of pitch height being conmstive as is generdy assumed, it is phonation types of creakiness and breathhess which are distinctive as the register feature in North Vietnamese, and the differences in pitch heights are predictable. In the Viemamese literature, it is daimed that there is a mismatch between the phonetics and phonology of nvo tones, hoi and nga in reduplication. Flip-flop des were suggested to account for the mismatch. 1 show that using phonation types as dis~ctive feanire not ody can explain various tonal patterns in the hnguage, it also makes this mismatch an illusory one, whch, in tums, makes ad hoc flip-flop des in previous models unnecessary. In addition, 1 argue that the domain of Viemamese tone is not the syllable or mora, but the rhyme, and that the cmcial pomon for distinguishing the tones is the middle point in hoi and nga, and the endpoint in other tones. Findy, I show that the mode1 correctly predicts certain types of neutralization in other Vie tnarnese dialects, in language acquisition, and in other tone languages. },
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This thesis is an in-depth study of the phonology and phonetics of tones in Northern Vietnamese dialects. It examines tone within the framework of markedness theory, the phonetic realizations of tones, the relationshp benveen the phonetics and phonology of tones, and the implications of the proposed analysis for other dialects of Vietnamese.
First, 1 propose a phonological model in which tones are structuraily organized. In this model, tones are grouped together as constituents according to their rnarkedness relationship. Evidence for the structural organization of tones comes from neuualization in dialects and redupiication, and also from tonal frequency in the language, poetry, borrowings and clitics. This evidence points to tones having nvo major constituents, contour and register, each of which can pattern independently. Second, I show that the proposed features are grounded phoneticdy. 1 argue that
instead of pitch height being conmstive as is generdy assumed, it is phonation types of creakiness and breathhess which are distinctive as the register feature in North Vietnamese, and the differences in pitch heights are predictable. In the Viemamese literature, it is daimed that there is a mismatch between the phonetics and phonology of nvo tones, hoi and nga in reduplication. Flip-flop des were suggested to account for the mismatch. 1 show that using phonation types as dis~ctive feanire not ody can explain various tonal patterns in the hnguage, it also makes this mismatch an illusory one, whch, in tums, makes ad hoc flip-flop des in previous models unnecessary. In addition, 1 argue that the domain of Viemamese tone is not the syllable or mora, but the rhyme, and that the cmcial pomon for distinguishing the tones is the middle point in hoi and nga, and the endpoint in other tones. Findy, I show that the mode1 correctly predicts certain types of neutralization in other Vie tnarnese dialects, in language acquisition, and in other tone languages.
First, 1 propose a phonological model in which tones are structuraily organized. In this model, tones are grouped together as constituents according to their rnarkedness relationship. Evidence for the structural organization of tones comes from neuualization in dialects and redupiication, and also from tonal frequency in the language, poetry, borrowings and clitics. This evidence points to tones having nvo major constituents, contour and register, each of which can pattern independently. Second, I show that the proposed features are grounded phoneticdy. 1 argue that
instead of pitch height being conmstive as is generdy assumed, it is phonation types of creakiness and breathhess which are distinctive as the register feature in North Vietnamese, and the differences in pitch heights are predictable. In the Viemamese literature, it is daimed that there is a mismatch between the phonetics and phonology of nvo tones, hoi and nga in reduplication. Flip-flop des were suggested to account for the mismatch. 1 show that using phonation types as dis~ctive feanire not ody can explain various tonal patterns in the hnguage, it also makes this mismatch an illusory one, whch, in tums, makes ad hoc flip-flop des in previous models unnecessary. In addition, 1 argue that the domain of Viemamese tone is not the syllable or mora, but the rhyme, and that the cmcial pomon for distinguishing the tones is the middle point in hoi and nga, and the endpoint in other tones. Findy, I show that the mode1 correctly predicts certain types of neutralization in other Vie tnarnese dialects, in language acquisition, and in other tone languages.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
A Phonetic Study of Vietnamese Tones: Reconsideration of the Register Flip-Flop Rule in Reduplication Conference
The 5th Conference of the Holland Institute of Linguistics-Phonology, vol. 12, Universitatsbibliothek Publikationsstelle, 2001.
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title = {A Phonetic Study of Vietnamese Tones: Reconsideration of the Register Flip-Flop Rule in Reduplication},
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booktitle = {The 5th Conference of the Holland Institute of Linguistics-Phonology},
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Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vietnamese tone: Tone is not pitch Journal Article
In: Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics, 2001.
@article{Pham2001bb,
title = {Vietnamese tone: Tone is not pitch},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {2001},
date = {2001-01-01},
journal = {Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics},
abstract = {This thesis is an in-depth study of the phonology & phonetics of tones in Northern Vietnamese dialects. It examines tone within the framework of markedness theory, the phonetic realizations of tones, the relationship between the phonetics & phonology of tones, & the implications of the proposed analysis for other dialects of Vietnamese. First, I propose a phonological model in which tones are structurally organized. In this model, tones are grouped together as constituents according to their markedness relationship. Evidence for the structural organization of tones comes from neutralization in dialects & reduplication, & also from tonal frequency in the language, poetry, borrowings, & clitics. This evidence points to tones having two major constituents, contour & register, each of which can pattern independently. Second, I show that the proposed features are grounded phonetically. I argue that instead of pitch height.},
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This thesis is an in-depth study of the phonology & phonetics of tones in Northern Vietnamese dialects. It examines tone within the framework of markedness theory, the phonetic realizations of tones, the relationship between the phonetics & phonology of tones, & the implications of the proposed analysis for other dialects of Vietnamese. First, I propose a phonological model in which tones are structurally organized. In this model, tones are grouped together as constituents according to their markedness relationship. Evidence for the structural organization of tones comes from neutralization in dialects & reduplication, & also from tonal frequency in the language, poetry, borrowings, & clitics. This evidence points to tones having two major constituents, contour & register, each of which can pattern independently. Second, I show that the proposed features are grounded phonetically. I argue that instead of pitch height.
1999
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Cognate Objects in Vietnamese Transitive Verbs Journal Article
In: Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 17, 1999.
@article{Pham1999,
title = {Cognate Objects in Vietnamese Transitive Verbs},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {1999},
date = {1999-01-01},
journal = {Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics},
volume = {17},
abstract = {It is commonly assumed that a verb with a cognate object is basically intransitive. This paper argues that in Vietnamese, there are two types of cognate objects: one is comprised of direct cognate objects, the other of indirect cognate objects. The two types occupy two different positions in transitive verbs and behave differently from each other. The positing of indirect cognate objects correctly predicts that (i) in a ditransitive verb, a cognate object cannot occur if there are already two regular objects; (ii) Vietnamese cognate objects can occur with unaccusative verbs and behave differently with unergative verbs. The paper provides new evidence for the claim that cognate objects are arguments, and shows that cognate objects can also be indirect objects.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
It is commonly assumed that a verb with a cognate object is basically intransitive. This paper argues that in Vietnamese, there are two types of cognate objects: one is comprised of direct cognate objects, the other of indirect cognate objects. The two types occupy two different positions in transitive verbs and behave differently from each other. The positing of indirect cognate objects correctly predicts that (i) in a ditransitive verb, a cognate object cannot occur if there are already two regular objects; (ii) Vietnamese cognate objects can occur with unaccusative verbs and behave differently with unergative verbs. The paper provides new evidence for the claim that cognate objects are arguments, and shows that cognate objects can also be indirect objects.
Pham, Andrea Hoa
Vietnamese reduplication. Phonetics-phonology mismatch of tones Journal Article
In: Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Linguistics Association, pp. 225-236, 1999.
@article{Pham1999b,
title = {Vietnamese reduplication. Phonetics-phonology mismatch of tones},
author = {Andrea Hoa Pham},
year = {1999},
date = {1999-01-01},
journal = {Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Linguistics Association},
pages = {225-236},
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pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}