Bert Vaux
2021
Vaux, Bert; Andersson, Samuel; (Sener), Zihni Pysipa
Cwyzhy Abkhaz Journal Article
In: Journal of the International Phonetic Association, pp. 1 - 21, 2021.
@article{Vaux2021,
title = {Cwyzhy Abkhaz},
author = {Bert Vaux and Samuel Andersson and Zihni Pysipa (Sener)},
doi = {10.1017/S0025100320000390},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-03-31},
urldate = {2021-03-31},
journal = {Journal of the International Phonetic Association},
pages = {1 - 21},
abstract = {In this Illustration we describe the Cwyzhy (also Tswydzhy) dialect of Abkhaz, the native language of the third author. In Cwyzhy, the language Abkhaz is called /арʰsаʃʷа/ [ˈаpʰsæʃᶣæ] аҧсашəа. Abkhaz (ISO-639-3 abk) belongs to the Northwest Caucasian family of languages, and the Abkhaz dialects are related as shown in (1) (adapted from Chirikba 2012: 36)},
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In this Illustration we describe the Cwyzhy (also Tswydzhy) dialect of Abkhaz, the native language of the third author. In Cwyzhy, the language Abkhaz is called /арʰsаʃʷа/ [ˈаpʰsæʃᶣæ] аҧсашəа. Abkhaz (ISO-639-3 abk) belongs to the Northwest Caucasian family of languages, and the Abkhaz dialects are related as shown in (1) (adapted from Chirikba 2012: 36)
Vaux, Bert; Samuels, Bridget
Silence-cued stop perception: Split decisions Journal Article
In: vol. 11, no. 2, pp. 393 - 409, 2021.
@article{Vaux2021b,
title = {Silence-cued stop perception: Split decisions},
author = {Bert Vaux and Bridget Samuels},
doi = {10.5617/osla.8509},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-01-22},
urldate = {2021-01-22},
volume = {11},
number = {2},
pages = {393 - 409},
abstract = {Bastian, Eimas, & Liberman (1961) found that listeners heard a [p] when a silence of more than 50ms was inserted between the [s] and the [l] in a recording of the word slit. It has long been known that silence is an important cue in stop consonant perception. Nevertheless, it is surprising that a short interval of silence can substitute for something as acoustically and articulatorily complex as a phoneme. In the present work, we replicate and expand upon this study to further examine the phenomenon of silence-cued stop perception. We demonstrate the ‘Split Effect’ in a previously unexplored set of environments, analyze factors that contribute to the identity of silence-cued stops, and lay the groundwork for further investigation of the acoustic and non-acoustic factors that contribute to this perceptual illusion. Our study demonstrates an experimental paradigm for studying the genesis of such effects synchronically and in a controlled setting.},
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Bastian, Eimas, & Liberman (1961) found that listeners heard a [p] when a silence of more than 50ms was inserted between the [s] and the [l] in a recording of the word slit. It has long been known that silence is an important cue in stop consonant perception. Nevertheless, it is surprising that a short interval of silence can substitute for something as acoustically and articulatorily complex as a phoneme. In the present work, we replicate and expand upon this study to further examine the phenomenon of silence-cued stop perception. We demonstrate the ‘Split Effect’ in a previously unexplored set of environments, analyze factors that contribute to the identity of silence-cued stops, and lay the groundwork for further investigation of the acoustic and non-acoustic factors that contribute to this perceptual illusion. Our study demonstrates an experimental paradigm for studying the genesis of such effects synchronically and in a controlled setting.
2020
Vaux, Bert; Ahmed, Samuel K.; Andersson, Samuel; Aarts, Bas; McMahon, April; Hinrichs, Lars
English Phonology and Morphology Journal Article
In: pp. 345 - 364, 2020.
@article{Vaux2020,
title = {English Phonology and Morphology},
author = {Bert Vaux and Samuel K. Ahmed and Samuel Andersson and Bas Aarts and April McMahon and Lars Hinrichs},
doi = {10.1002/9781119540618.ch18},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-11-27},
urldate = {2020-11-27},
pages = {345 - 364},
abstract = {We illustrate the complexity and interest of English phonology and morphology through two case studies: the phonological and morphological behavior of sibilant suffixes, and the aspiration of voiceless obstruents. We focus on documenting individual variation in these areas and examining theoretical proposals that have been advanced to account for the attested range of variation that is found, highlighting cases where the data connect to larger issues in phonological and morphological theories.},
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We illustrate the complexity and interest of English phonology and morphology through two case studies: the phonological and morphological behavior of sibilant suffixes, and the aspiration of voiceless obstruents. We focus on documenting individual variation in these areas and examining theoretical proposals that have been advanced to account for the attested range of variation that is found, highlighting cases where the data connect to larger issues in phonological and morphological theories.
Vaux, Bert; Burridge, James
Brownian dynamics for the vowel sounds of human language Journal Article
In: Physical Review Research, vol. 2, no. 1, 2020.
@article{Vaux2020b,
title = {Brownian dynamics for the vowel sounds of human language},
author = {Bert Vaux and James Burridge},
doi = {10.1103/PhysRevResearch.2.013274},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-03-06},
urldate = {2020-03-06},
journal = {Physical Review Research},
volume = {2},
number = {1},
abstract = {We present a model for the evolution of vowel sounds in human languages, in which words behave as Brownian particles diffusing in acoustic space, interacting via the vowel sounds they contain. Interaction forces, derived from a simple model of the language-learning process, are attractive at short range and repulsive at long range. This generates sets of acoustic clusters, each representing a distinct sound, which form patterns with similar statistical properties to real vowel systems. Our formulation may be generalized to account for spontaneous self-actuating shifts in system structure which are observed in real languages, and to combine in one model two previously distinct theories of vowel system structure: dispersion theory, which assumes that vowel systems maximize contrasts between sounds, and quantal theory, according to which nonlinear relationships between articulatory and acoustic parameters are the source of patterns in sound inventories. By formulating the dynamics of vowel sounds using interparticle forces, we also provide a simple unified description of the linguistic notion of push and pull dynamics in vowel systems.},
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We present a model for the evolution of vowel sounds in human languages, in which words behave as Brownian particles diffusing in acoustic space, interacting via the vowel sounds they contain. Interaction forces, derived from a simple model of the language-learning process, are attractive at short range and repulsive at long range. This generates sets of acoustic clusters, each representing a distinct sound, which form patterns with similar statistical properties to real vowel systems. Our formulation may be generalized to account for spontaneous self-actuating shifts in system structure which are observed in real languages, and to combine in one model two previously distinct theories of vowel system structure: dispersion theory, which assumes that vowel systems maximize contrasts between sounds, and quantal theory, according to which nonlinear relationships between articulatory and acoustic parameters are the source of patterns in sound inventories. By formulating the dynamics of vowel sounds using interparticle forces, we also provide a simple unified description of the linguistic notion of push and pull dynamics in vowel systems.
Vaux, Bert; Burridge, James; Blaxter, Tam
Evolutionary paths of language Journal Article
In: EPL (Europhysics Letters) 128(2):28003 DOI:, vol. 128, no. 2, pp. 1 - 7, 2020.
@article{Vaux2020c,
title = {Evolutionary paths of language},
author = {Bert Vaux and James Burridge and Tam Blaxter},
doi = {10.1209/0295-5075/128/28003},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-01-03},
urldate = {2020-01-03},
journal = {EPL (Europhysics Letters) 128(2):28003 DOI:},
volume = {128},
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abstract = {We introduce a stochastic model of language change in a population of speakers who are divided into social or geographical groups. We assume that sequences of language changes are driven by the inference of grammatical rules from memorised linguistic patterns. These paths of inference are controlled by an inferability matrix which can be structured to model a wide range of linguistic change processes. The extent to which speakers are able to determine the dominant linguistic patterns in their speech community is captured by a temperature-like parameter. This can induce symmetry breaking phase transitions, where communities select one of two or more possible branches in the evolutionary tree of language. We use the model to investigate a grammatical change (the rise of the phrasal possessive) which took place in English and Continental North Germanic languages during the Middle Ages. Competing hypotheses regarding the sequences of precursor changes which allowed this to occur each generate a different structure of inference matrix. We show that the inference matrix of a "Norway Hypothesis" is consistent with Norwegian historical data, and because of the close relationships between these languages, we suggest that this hypothesis might explain similar changes in all of them.},
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We introduce a stochastic model of language change in a population of speakers who are divided into social or geographical groups. We assume that sequences of language changes are driven by the inference of grammatical rules from memorised linguistic patterns. These paths of inference are controlled by an inferability matrix which can be structured to model a wide range of linguistic change processes. The extent to which speakers are able to determine the dominant linguistic patterns in their speech community is captured by a temperature-like parameter. This can induce symmetry breaking phase transitions, where communities select one of two or more possible branches in the evolutionary tree of language. We use the model to investigate a grammatical change (the rise of the phrasal possessive) which took place in English and Continental North Germanic languages during the Middle Ages. Competing hypotheses regarding the sequences of precursor changes which allowed this to occur each generate a different structure of inference matrix. We show that the inference matrix of a "Norway Hypothesis" is consistent with Norwegian historical data, and because of the close relationships between these languages, we suggest that this hypothesis might explain similar changes in all of them.
2019
Vaux, Bert; Burridge, James; Gnacik, Michal; Grudeva, Yoana
Statistical physics of language maps in the USA Journal Article
In: PHYSICAL REVIEW E, vol. 99, no. 3, 2019.
@article{Vaux2019,
title = {Statistical physics of language maps in the USA},
author = {Bert Vaux and James Burridge and Michal Gnacik and Yoana Grudeva},
doi = {10.1103/PhysRevE.99.032305},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-03-04},
urldate = {2019-03-04},
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volume = {99},
number = {3},
abstract = {Spatial linguistic surveys often reveal well-defined geographical zones where certain linguistic forms are dominant over their alternatives. It has been suggested that these patterns may be understood by analogy with coarsening in models of two-dimensional physical systems. Here we investigate this connection by comparing data from the Cambridge Online Survey of World Englishes to the behavior of a generalized zero temperature Potts model with long-range interactions. The relative displacements of linguistically similar population centers reveal enhanced east-west affinity. Cluster analysis reveals three distinct linguistic zones. We find that when the interaction kernel is made anisotropic by stretching along the east-west axis, the model can reproduce the three linguistic zones for all interaction parameters tested. The model results are consistent with a view held by some linguists that, in the USA, language use is, or has been, exchanged or transmitted to a greater extent along the east-west axis than the north-south.},
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Spatial linguistic surveys often reveal well-defined geographical zones where certain linguistic forms are dominant over their alternatives. It has been suggested that these patterns may be understood by analogy with coarsening in models of two-dimensional physical systems. Here we investigate this connection by comparing data from the Cambridge Online Survey of World Englishes to the behavior of a generalized zero temperature Potts model with long-range interactions. The relative displacements of linguistically similar population centers reveal enhanced east-west affinity. Cluster analysis reveals three distinct linguistic zones. We find that when the interaction kernel is made anisotropic by stretching along the east-west axis, the model can reproduce the three linguistic zones for all interaction parameters tested. The model results are consistent with a view held by some linguists that, in the USA, language use is, or has been, exchanged or transmitted to a greater extent along the east-west axis than the north-south.
2018
Vaux, Bert; Burridge, James; Gnacik, Michal; Grudeva, Yoana
Statistical Physics of Language Maps in the USA Book
American Physical Society, 2018.
@book{Vaux2018,
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date = {2018-11-21},
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abstract = {Spatial linguistic surveys often reveal well defined geographical zones where certain linguistic forms are dominant over their alternatives. It has been suggested that these patterns may be understood by analogy with coarsening in models of two dimensional physical systems. Here we investigate this connection by comparing data from the Cambridge Online Survey of World Englishes to the behaviour of a generalised zero temperature Potts model with long range interactions. The relative displacements of linguistically similar population centres reveals enhanced east-west affinity. Cluster analysis reveals three distinct linguistic zones. We find that when the interaction kernel is made anisotropic by stretching along the east-west axis, the model can reproduce the three linguistic zones for all interaction parameters tested. The model results are consistent with a view held by some linguists that, in the USA, language use is, or has been, exchanged or transmitted to a greater extent along the east-west axis than the north-south.},
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Spatial linguistic surveys often reveal well defined geographical zones where certain linguistic forms are dominant over their alternatives. It has been suggested that these patterns may be understood by analogy with coarsening in models of two dimensional physical systems. Here we investigate this connection by comparing data from the Cambridge Online Survey of World Englishes to the behaviour of a generalised zero temperature Potts model with long range interactions. The relative displacements of linguistically similar population centres reveals enhanced east-west affinity. Cluster analysis reveals three distinct linguistic zones. We find that when the interaction kernel is made anisotropic by stretching along the east-west axis, the model can reproduce the three linguistic zones for all interaction parameters tested. The model results are consistent with a view held by some linguists that, in the USA, language use is, or has been, exchanged or transmitted to a greater extent along the east-west axis than the north-south.
2017
Vaux, Bert; Samuels, Bridget Diane
Consonant epenthesis and markedness Book Chapter
In: vol. 241, Chapter 4, pp. 69-100, Consonant epenthesis and markedness, 2017.
@inbook{Vaux2017,
title = {Consonant epenthesis and markedness},
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abstract = {In recent years, the role of markedness in shaping phonological patterns has been at the forefront of debate: while in Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993 [2004]) and related frameworks such as Harmonic Grammar (Pater 2009), markedness constraints play a major role in circumscribing the space of possible phonologies, a number of recent works in the tradition of Ohala (1981), including several chapters in this volume, argue that markedness is an epiphenomenon of extra-phonological factors. The present work takes the phenomenon of consonant epenthesis as a case study for comparing these two perspectives, showing that the range of consonants which are chosen for insertion cross-linguistically cannot be accounted for in terms of markedness. Specifically, here we focus on the empirical and theory-internal problems which arise for markedness-based accounts of consonant epenthesis. We provide an extensive empirical overview with a focus on English r-insertion and critique several markedness-based approaches to consonant epenthesis, including Lombardi (2002), de Lacy (2006), and Steriade (2009), concluding that a viable theory of synchronic phonology must allow for epenthesis of any segment, no matter how marked. This is consistent with the larger point that “unnatural” phonological patterns are the product of historical processes which may obscure phonetic motivation; specifically in this case, unusual epenthetic consonants may result from hypercorrection and reanalysis of deletion patterns (Blevins 2008).},
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In recent years, the role of markedness in shaping phonological patterns has been at the forefront of debate: while in Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993 [2004]) and related frameworks such as Harmonic Grammar (Pater 2009), markedness constraints play a major role in circumscribing the space of possible phonologies, a number of recent works in the tradition of Ohala (1981), including several chapters in this volume, argue that markedness is an epiphenomenon of extra-phonological factors. The present work takes the phenomenon of consonant epenthesis as a case study for comparing these two perspectives, showing that the range of consonants which are chosen for insertion cross-linguistically cannot be accounted for in terms of markedness. Specifically, here we focus on the empirical and theory-internal problems which arise for markedness-based accounts of consonant epenthesis. We provide an extensive empirical overview with a focus on English r-insertion and critique several markedness-based approaches to consonant epenthesis, including Lombardi (2002), de Lacy (2006), and Steriade (2009), concluding that a viable theory of synchronic phonology must allow for epenthesis of any segment, no matter how marked. This is consistent with the larger point that “unnatural” phonological patterns are the product of historical processes which may obscure phonetic motivation; specifically in this case, unusual epenthetic consonants may result from hypercorrection and reanalysis of deletion patterns (Blevins 2008).
2015
Vaux, Bert; Samuels, Bridget Diane
Explaining vowel systems: Dispersion theory vs natural selection Journal Article
In: The Linguistic Review, vol. 32, no. 3, pp. 573-599, 2015.
@article{Vaux2015,
title = {Explaining vowel systems: Dispersion theory vs natural selection},
author = {Bert Vaux and Bridget Diane Samuels},
doi = {10.1515/tlr-2014-0028},
year = {2015},
date = {2015-09-01},
urldate = {2015-09-01},
journal = {The Linguistic Review},
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abstract = {We argue that the cross-linguistic distribution of vowel systems is best accounted for by grammar-external forces of learnability operating in tandem with cognitive constraints on phonological computation, as argued for other phonological phenomena by Blevins (2004). On this view, the range of possible vowel systems is constrained only by what is computable and learnable; the range of attested vowel systems is a subset of this, constrained by relative learnability (Hale and Reiss 2000a, Hale and Reiss 2000b; Newmeyer 2005). A system that is easier to learn (e.g., one whose members are more dispersed in perceptual space) is predicted by our model to become more common cross-linguistically over evolutionary time than its less learnable competitors. This analysis efficiently accounts for both the typological patterns found in vowel systems and the existence of a non-trivial number of "unnatural" systems in the world's languages. We compare this model with the leading forms of Dispersion Theory (notably Flemming's (1995) implementation in Optimality Theory), which seek to explain sound patterns in terms of interaction between conflicting functional constraints on maximization of perceptual contrast and minimization of articulatory effort. Dispersion Theory is shown to be unable to generate the attested range of vowel systems or predict their interesting properties, such as the centralization typically found in two-vowel systems and the quality of epenthetic segments.},
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We argue that the cross-linguistic distribution of vowel systems is best accounted for by grammar-external forces of learnability operating in tandem with cognitive constraints on phonological computation, as argued for other phonological phenomena by Blevins (2004). On this view, the range of possible vowel systems is constrained only by what is computable and learnable; the range of attested vowel systems is a subset of this, constrained by relative learnability (Hale and Reiss 2000a, Hale and Reiss 2000b; Newmeyer 2005). A system that is easier to learn (e.g., one whose members are more dispersed in perceptual space) is predicted by our model to become more common cross-linguistically over evolutionary time than its less learnable competitors. This analysis efficiently accounts for both the typological patterns found in vowel systems and the existence of a non-trivial number of "unnatural" systems in the world's languages. We compare this model with the leading forms of Dispersion Theory (notably Flemming's (1995) implementation in Optimality Theory), which seek to explain sound patterns in terms of interaction between conflicting functional constraints on maximization of perceptual contrast and minimization of articulatory effort. Dispersion Theory is shown to be unable to generate the attested range of vowel systems or predict their interesting properties, such as the centralization typically found in two-vowel systems and the quality of epenthetic segments.
2011
Vaux, Bert; Miller, Brett
The Representation of Fricatives Book Chapter
In: pp. 1-25, Blackwell, 2011, ISBN: 9781444335262.
@inbook{Vaux2011,
title = {The Representation of Fricatives},
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year = {2011},
date = {2011-04-28},
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abstract = {The phonetic properties of fricatives have recently received a great deal of attention (Shadle 1985; Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996: ch. 5; Johnson 1997: ch. 6; Stevens 1998: ch. 8; Maniwa et al. 2009; Ramsay 2009; among others). The phonological properties of this class of sounds, on the other hand, have, with a few notable exceptions, remained largely undisputed since the publication of Chomsky and Halle (1968), which itself essentially carries on the featural analysis of fricatives in Trubetzkoy (1939) and Jakobson et al. (1952). In this analysis, the class of fricatives is characterized by the distinctive features [−sonorant, +continuant].},
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The phonetic properties of fricatives have recently received a great deal of attention (Shadle 1985; Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996: ch. 5; Johnson 1997: ch. 6; Stevens 1998: ch. 8; Maniwa et al. 2009; Ramsay 2009; among others). The phonological properties of this class of sounds, on the other hand, have, with a few notable exceptions, remained largely undisputed since the publication of Chomsky and Halle (1968), which itself essentially carries on the featural analysis of fricatives in Trubetzkoy (1939) and Jakobson et al. (1952). In this analysis, the class of fricatives is characterized by the distinctive features [−sonorant, +continuant].
2008
Vaux, Bert; Nevins, Andrew
The Division of Labor between Rules, Representations, and Constraints in Phonological Theory Book Chapter
In: vol. 1, no. 8, pp. 1-20, Oxford University Press, 2008.
@inbook{Vaux2008,
title = {The Division of Labor between Rules, Representations, and Constraints in Phonological Theory},
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In this introduction we provide an overview of some foundational questions in phonological theory and address how they can be answered by the informed study of phonological phenomena. The introduction outlines the relevance of rich data structures, serial vs parallel ordering, iterativity, teleology, and locally vs globally determined computation for cognitive science more generally, and situates the individual contributions of the volume within these contexts.
Vaux, Bert; Nevins, Andrew
Rules, Constraints, and Phonological Phenomena Journal Article
In: Rules, Constraints, and Phonological Phenomena, pp. 1 - 352, 2008, ISBN: 9780199226511.
@article{Vaux2008b,
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abstract = {This book contains new work by prominent phonologists and it goes to the heart of current debates in phonological and linguistic theory: should the explanation of phonological variety be constraint or rule-based and, in the light of the resolution of this question, how in the mind does phonology interface with other components of the grammar? The book includes contributions from leading proponents of both sides of the argument and an introduction setting out the history, nature, and more general linguistic implications of current phonological theory.},
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This book contains new work by prominent phonologists and it goes to the heart of current debates in phonological and linguistic theory: should the explanation of phonological variety be constraint or rule-based and, in the light of the resolution of this question, how in the mind does phonology interface with other components of the grammar? The book includes contributions from leading proponents of both sides of the argument and an introduction setting out the history, nature, and more general linguistic implications of current phonological theory.
2007
Vaux, Bert; Nevins, Andrew
Underlying Representations That Do Not Minimize Grammatical Violations Journal Article
In: Freedom of Analysis, pp. 35-62, 2007, ISBN: 978-3-11-019359-6.
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title = {Underlying Representations That Do Not Minimize Grammatical Violations},
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abstract = {In this paper we review evidence from a variety of sources, including deneutralization studies, that indicate that the choice of underlying representations is governed by causal reasoning, statistical inference, orthographic knowledge, and hypercorrection, but rarely, if ever, by a principle of minimizing faithfulness violations. Linguistics Version of Record},
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In this paper we review evidence from a variety of sources, including deneutralization studies, that indicate that the choice of underlying representations is governed by causal reasoning, statistical inference, orthographic knowledge, and hypercorrection, but rarely, if ever, by a principle of minimizing faithfulness violations. Linguistics Version of Record
Vaux, Bert; Nevins, Andrew
The Role of Contrast in Locality: Transparent Palatal Glides in Kyrghyz Journal Article
In: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 54, pp. 275-287, 2007.
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abstract = {This paper discusses the role of contrast in determining the locality of [back] harmony. Specifically, we argue that palatal glides, although they are phonetically [-back], are transparent to [+ back] harmony across them, because harmony is relativized only to contrastive values of the feature [back]. We argue that the feature distinguishing high vowels and glides is [±consonantal], and that a relativized theory of locality provides a falsifiable and restrictive theory of variation in the class of harmony participants throughout Turkic.},
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This paper discusses the role of contrast in determining the locality of [back] harmony. Specifically, we argue that palatal glides, although they are phonetically [-back], are transparent to [+ back] harmony across them, because harmony is relativized only to contrastive values of the feature [back]. We argue that the feature distinguishing high vowels and glides is [±consonantal], and that a relativized theory of locality provides a falsifiable and restrictive theory of variation in the class of harmony participants throughout Turkic.
Vaux, Bert
Why the Phonological Component Must be Serial and Rule-Based Journal Article
In: Rules, constraints, and phonological phenomena, pp. 20-60, 2007, ISBN: 9780199226511.
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title = {Why the Phonological Component Must be Serial and Rule-Based},
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abstract = {This chapter identifies an inventory of core phonological processes that are robustly attested in all or nearly all human languages. These are compared to the classes of phenomena predicted to be possible and impossible by Rule-Based Phonology (Kenstowicz 1994; Vaux 1998) and Classic Optimality Theory (Kager 1999). The comparison is argued to demonstrate that a phonological theory that employs extrinsically ordered rules, cyclicity, inviolable constraints, and the other machinery of Rule-Based Phonology provides a superior empirical match to and formal model of the facts.},
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This chapter identifies an inventory of core phonological processes that are robustly attested in all or nearly all human languages. These are compared to the classes of phenomena predicted to be possible and impossible by Rule-Based Phonology (Kenstowicz 1994; Vaux 1998) and Classic Optimality Theory (Kager 1999). The comparison is argued to demonstrate that a phonological theory that employs extrinsically ordered rules, cyclicity, inviolable constraints, and the other machinery of Rule-Based Phonology provides a superior empirical match to and formal model of the facts.
2006
Vaux, Bert
Ioana Chitoran (2002). The phonology of Romanian: a constraint-based approach Journal Article
In: Phonology, vol. 23, no. 1, pp. 105 - 113, 2006.
@article{Vaux2006,
title = {Ioana Chitoran (2002). The phonology of Romanian: a constraint-based approach},
author = {Bert Vaux},
doi = {10.1017/S0952675706210820},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-05-01},
urldate = {2006-05-01},
journal = {Phonology},
volume = {23},
number = {1},
pages = {105 - 113},
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pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
2005
Vaux, Bert; Samuels, Bridget Diane
Laryngeal markedness and aspiration Journal Article
In: Phonology, vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 395 - 436, 2005.
@article{Vaux2005,
title = {Laryngeal markedness and aspiration},
author = {Bert Vaux and Bridget Diane Samuels},
doi = {10.1017/S0952675705000667},
year = {2005},
date = {2005-12-01},
urldate = {2005-12-01},
journal = {Phonology},
volume = {22},
number = {3},
pages = {395 - 436},
abstract = {We argue that the common phonological assumptions that (i) plain voiceless consonants are less marked than voiceless aspirates and (ii) the unmarked two-way stop system opposes unaspirated voiced and voiceless members are incorrect. A wide range of phonetic and internal and external phonological evidence suggests instead that (i) the maximally unmarked single-series stop is unspecified for laryngeal features and (ii) the unmarked two-way stop system opposes aspirated and unaspirated stops, and the aspirated series may be the unmarked member of this set.},
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}
We argue that the common phonological assumptions that (i) plain voiceless consonants are less marked than voiceless aspirates and (ii) the unmarked two-way stop system opposes unaspirated voiced and voiceless members are incorrect. A wide range of phonetic and internal and external phonological evidence suggests instead that (i) the maximally unmarked single-series stop is unspecified for laryngeal features and (ii) the unmarked two-way stop system opposes aspirated and unaspirated stops, and the aspirated series may be the unmarked member of this set.
2004
Vaux, Bert; Nevins, Andrew
Consonant Harmony in Karaim Journal Article
In: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 2004.
@article{Vaux2004,
title = {Consonant Harmony in Karaim},
author = {Bert Vaux and Andrew Nevins},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-01},
urldate = {2004-01-01},
journal = {MIT Working Papers in Linguistics},
abstract = {A growing body of recent work asserts that consonant harmony is either limited to child language, coronal consonants (Rialland and Djamouri 1984, Ní Chiosáin and Padgett 1993, 2001, Flemming 1996, Gafos 1999, Baković 2000, Pierrehumbert 2000, Krämer 2001, McCarthy 1998, 2002), or is impossible (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994). Gafos attributes this restriction on consonant harmony to articulatory contiguity (the units of which are phonetic gestures), whereby “the vowel gestures are contiguous in a VCV sequence but consonant gestures are not contiguous in a CVC sequence”(1999: 41). If one assumes that all phonological processes are strictly local, and that the correct notion of locality in phonology is articulatory contiguity, as Gafos suggests, then the logical consequence is that “phonological spreading… could not be involved between the two consonants of a CVC configuration… because the vowel interrupts the articulatory contiguity between the two consonants”(Gafos 1999: 41).
In order to test the predictions of this theory, henceforth referred to as Strict Locality, we analyze the system of consonantal harmony involving the feature [back] in the Northwest dialect of the Turkic language Karaim. We demonstrate that neither this system nor the behavior of consonant harmony cross-linguistically can be insightfully accounted for in the surface-phonetics theory espoused by the proponents of Strict Locality. We establish moreover that Optimality Theory, in which all constraints on representations are violable, is at odds by its very nature with an inviolable principle of Strict Locality.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
A growing body of recent work asserts that consonant harmony is either limited to child language, coronal consonants (Rialland and Djamouri 1984, Ní Chiosáin and Padgett 1993, 2001, Flemming 1996, Gafos 1999, Baković 2000, Pierrehumbert 2000, Krämer 2001, McCarthy 1998, 2002), or is impossible (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994). Gafos attributes this restriction on consonant harmony to articulatory contiguity (the units of which are phonetic gestures), whereby “the vowel gestures are contiguous in a VCV sequence but consonant gestures are not contiguous in a CVC sequence”(1999: 41). If one assumes that all phonological processes are strictly local, and that the correct notion of locality in phonology is articulatory contiguity, as Gafos suggests, then the logical consequence is that “phonological spreading… could not be involved between the two consonants of a CVC configuration… because the vowel interrupts the articulatory contiguity between the two consonants”(Gafos 1999: 41).
In order to test the predictions of this theory, henceforth referred to as Strict Locality, we analyze the system of consonantal harmony involving the feature [back] in the Northwest dialect of the Turkic language Karaim. We demonstrate that neither this system nor the behavior of consonant harmony cross-linguistically can be insightfully accounted for in the surface-phonetics theory espoused by the proponents of Strict Locality. We establish moreover that Optimality Theory, in which all constraints on representations are violable, is at odds by its very nature with an inviolable principle of Strict Locality.
In order to test the predictions of this theory, henceforth referred to as Strict Locality, we analyze the system of consonantal harmony involving the feature [back] in the Northwest dialect of the Turkic language Karaim. We demonstrate that neither this system nor the behavior of consonant harmony cross-linguistically can be insightfully accounted for in the surface-phonetics theory espoused by the proponents of Strict Locality. We establish moreover that Optimality Theory, in which all constraints on representations are violable, is at odds by its very nature with an inviolable principle of Strict Locality.
2003
Vaux, Bert
Syllabification in Armenian, Universal Grammar, and the Lexicon Journal Article
In: Linguistic Inquiry, vol. 34, no. 1, pp. 91-125, 2003.
@article{Vaux2003,
title = {Syllabification in Armenian, Universal Grammar, and the Lexicon},
author = {Bert Vaux},
doi = {10.1162/002438903763255931},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-12-01},
urldate = {2003-12-01},
journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
volume = {34},
number = {1},
pages = {91-125},
abstract = {This article approaches from a new angle the question of the extent to which predictable information is stored in the lexicon. By examining the ways in which morphological phenomena can be sensitive to prosodic structure, I argue that somebut not allpredictable information is stored in lexical entries. Detailed analysis of a fragment of the Armenian phonological system, focusing on the behavior of consonants at morpheme edges, supports a more view of phonological representations (containing syllables, appendices, and unparsed segments) than can be inferred from phonetic facts alone, contra Ohala and Kawasaki-Fukumori (1997), Steriade (1999), Scheer (2002), and others. The Armenian facts furthermore indicate that attempts to abandon underlying representations (Flemming 1995, Burzio 1996) are misguided and that we must also retreat from the excessively under specification approaches advocated by most phonologists.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article approaches from a new angle the question of the extent to which predictable information is stored in the lexicon. By examining the ways in which morphological phenomena can be sensitive to prosodic structure, I argue that somebut not allpredictable information is stored in lexical entries. Detailed analysis of a fragment of the Armenian phonological system, focusing on the behavior of consonants at morpheme edges, supports a more view of phonological representations (containing syllables, appendices, and unparsed segments) than can be inferred from phonetic facts alone, contra Ohala and Kawasaki-Fukumori (1997), Steriade (1999), Scheer (2002), and others. The Armenian facts furthermore indicate that attempts to abandon underlying representations (Flemming 1995, Burzio 1996) are misguided and that we must also retreat from the excessively under specification approaches advocated by most phonologists.
Vaux, Bert
Syllabification in Armenian, Universal Grammar, and the Lexicon Journal Article
In: Linguistic Inquiry, vol. 34, no. 1, pp. :91-125, 2003.
@article{Vaux2003f,
title = {Syllabification in Armenian, Universal Grammar, and the Lexicon},
author = {Bert Vaux},
doi = {10.1162/002438903763255931},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-12-01},
urldate = {2003-12-01},
journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
volume = {34},
number = {1},
pages = {:91-125},
abstract = {This article approaches from a new angle the question of the extent to which predictable information is stored in the lexicon. By examining the ways in which morphological phenomena can be sensitive to prosodic structure, I argue that somebut not allpredictable information is stored in lexical entries. Detailed analysis of a fragment of the Armenian phonological system, focusing on the behavior of consonants at morpheme edges, supports a more view of phonological representations (containing syllables, appendices, and unparsed segments) than can be inferred from phonetic facts alone, contra Ohala and Kawasaki-Fukumori (1997), Steriade (1999), Scheer (2002), and others. The Armenian facts furthermore indicate that attempts to abandon underlying representations (Flemming 1995, Burzio 1996) are misguided and that we must also retreat from the excessively under specification approaches advocated by most phonologists.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article approaches from a new angle the question of the extent to which predictable information is stored in the lexicon. By examining the ways in which morphological phenomena can be sensitive to prosodic structure, I argue that somebut not allpredictable information is stored in lexical entries. Detailed analysis of a fragment of the Armenian phonological system, focusing on the behavior of consonants at morpheme edges, supports a more view of phonological representations (containing syllables, appendices, and unparsed segments) than can be inferred from phonetic facts alone, contra Ohala and Kawasaki-Fukumori (1997), Steriade (1999), Scheer (2002), and others. The Armenian facts furthermore indicate that attempts to abandon underlying representations (Flemming 1995, Burzio 1996) are misguided and that we must also retreat from the excessively under specification approaches advocated by most phonologists.
Vaux, Bert
Consonant Epenthesis and the Problem of Unnatural Phonology Journal Article
In: Yale University Linguistics Colloquium, 2003.
@article{Vaux2003b,
title = {Consonant Epenthesis and the Problem of Unnatural Phonology},
author = {Bert Vaux},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-04-26},
urldate = {2003-04-26},
journal = {Yale University Linguistics Colloquium},
abstract = {This paper provides formal arguments and empirical evidence from a range of languages demonstrating that the prediction of rule-based phonology is correct: a language can choose any consonant for insertion by regular rule. This is a problem for both aT and AP, which are specifically designed to exclude insertion of synchronically-arbitrary segments. The primary problem for aT and AP is that a grammar arises from the confrontation of the human language acquisition device with the arbitrary linguistic data to which it is exposed; since these data encode layers of historical change, the resulting phonological grammar will be "unnatural" in the words of Anderson 1981 and Hyman 2000 (cf. also Bach and Harms 1972, Hellberg 1978, Manaster Ramer 1991, Chomsky 2000, McMahon 2000, Hale and Reiss 2000). I argue that unnatural systems of this type are accounted for most efficiently and insightfully in a rule-driven framework; existing aT implementations can be jury-rigged to account for the relevant phenomena, but only at the cost of abandoning the central theoretical tenets that have been claimed to give aT the advantage over derivational theories
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This paper provides formal arguments and empirical evidence from a range of languages demonstrating that the prediction of rule-based phonology is correct: a language can choose any consonant for insertion by regular rule. This is a problem for both aT and AP, which are specifically designed to exclude insertion of synchronically-arbitrary segments. The primary problem for aT and AP is that a grammar arises from the confrontation of the human language acquisition device with the arbitrary linguistic data to which it is exposed; since these data encode layers of historical change, the resulting phonological grammar will be "unnatural" in the words of Anderson 1981 and Hyman 2000 (cf. also Bach and Harms 1972, Hellberg 1978, Manaster Ramer 1991, Chomsky 2000, McMahon 2000, Hale and Reiss 2000). I argue that unnatural systems of this type are accounted for most efficiently and insightfully in a rule-driven framework; existing aT implementations can be jury-rigged to account for the relevant phenomena, but only at the cost of abandoning the central theoretical tenets that have been claimed to give aT the advantage over derivational theories
Vaux, Bert
The Laryngeal Specifications of Fricatives Journal Article
In: Linguistic Inquiry, vol. 29, no. 3, pp. 497-511, 2003.
@article{Vaux2003c,
title = {The Laryngeal Specifications of Fricatives},
author = {Bert Vaux},
doi = {10.1162/002438998553833},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-01-21},
urldate = {2003-01-21},
journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
volume = {29},
number = {3},
pages = {497-511},
abstract = {this article I propose a system of laryngeal specifications that accounts both for the phonetic observations of Kingston, Stevens, and Catford and for the phonological behavior of fricatives in a number of languages with rich systems of laryngeal contrasts: the New Julfa dialect of Armenian, Pali, Sanskrit, Greek, and Thai. The phonological phenomena to be considered here strongly suggest that the unmarked specification for voiceless fricatives is [ spread], and the specification for voiced fricatives is [ 1spread]},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
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this article I propose a system of laryngeal specifications that accounts both for the phonetic observations of Kingston, Stevens, and Catford and for the phonological behavior of fricatives in a number of languages with rich systems of laryngeal contrasts: the New Julfa dialect of Armenian, Pali, Sanskrit, Greek, and Thai. The phonological phenomena to be considered here strongly suggest that the unmarked specification for voiceless fricatives is [ spread], and the specification for voiced fricatives is [ 1spread]
Vaux, Bert; Nevins, Andrew
Metalinguistic, shmetalinguistic: The phonology of shm-reduplication Journal Article
In: Proceedings from the Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, vol. 39, no. 1, pp. 702-721, 2003.
@article{Vaux2003d,
title = {Metalinguistic, shmetalinguistic: The phonology of shm-reduplication},
author = {Bert Vaux and Andrew Nevins},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-01-01},
urldate = {2003-01-01},
journal = {Proceedings from the Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society},
volume = {39},
number = {1},
pages = {702-721},
abstract = {This paper explores English shm- reduplication and aims to answer questions that have previously been left open on the subject. Results from an online survey show emerging patterns that have not been adequately addressed in the literature. It will be shown that shm- reduplication targets prosodic landmarks, syllabic landmarks and the phrasal site of the target of reduplication. Instances of avoidance phenomena will also be discussed and analyzed. The results suggest that shm- reduplication is computed by a grammar that is formed through underdetermined exposure.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
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This paper explores English shm- reduplication and aims to answer questions that have previously been left open on the subject. Results from an online survey show emerging patterns that have not been adequately addressed in the literature. It will be shown that shm- reduplication targets prosodic landmarks, syllabic landmarks and the phrasal site of the target of reduplication. Instances of avoidance phenomena will also be discussed and analyzed. The results suggest that shm- reduplication is computed by a grammar that is formed through underdetermined exposure.
2002
Vaux, Bert
Consonant Epenthesis and Hypercorrection Journal Article
In: Yale University Linguistics Colloquium, 2002.
@article{Vaux2002,
title = {Consonant Epenthesis and Hypercorrection},
author = {Bert Vaux},
year = {2002},
date = {2002-09-16},
urldate = {2002-09-16},
journal = {Yale University Linguistics Colloquium},
abstract = {Optimality Theory explicitly requires that the choice of epenthetic consonant in a given language be "natural", i.e. predictable from the interaction of inventory constraints and well-formedness constraints; this consonant is typically claimed to be [?] or It]. Rule- based theories on the other hand allow rules to insert synchronically arbitrary segments. This paper provides cross-linguistic empirical evidence demonstrating that the rule-based prediction is correct, providing further support for the assertion of Anderson 1981 that phonology is not "natural". I argue that recent OT accounts of consonant epenthesis are fundamentally incapable of capturing the insertion facts, and lose essential insights of rule-based phonology into the relationship between historical change and language acquisition, and between automatic and morphologically-conditioned phonology.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Optimality Theory explicitly requires that the choice of epenthetic consonant in a given language be "natural", i.e. predictable from the interaction of inventory constraints and well-formedness constraints; this consonant is typically claimed to be [?] or It]. Rule- based theories on the other hand allow rules to insert synchronically arbitrary segments. This paper provides cross-linguistic empirical evidence demonstrating that the rule-based prediction is correct, providing further support for the assertion of Anderson 1981 that phonology is not "natural". I argue that recent OT accounts of consonant epenthesis are fundamentally incapable of capturing the insertion facts, and lose essential insights of rule-based phonology into the relationship between historical change and language acquisition, and between automatic and morphologically-conditioned phonology.
Vaux, Bert
Disharmony and derived transparency in Uyghur Vowel Harmony Journal Article
In: North East Linguistics Society, vol. 30, no. 2, pp. 1 - 19, 2002.
@article{Vaux2002b,
title = {Disharmony and derived transparency in Uyghur Vowel Harmony},
author = {Bert Vaux},
year = {2002},
date = {2002-08-26},
urldate = {2002-08-26},
journal = {North East Linguistics Society},
volume = {30},
number = {2},
pages = {1 - 19},
abstract = {this paper I argue on the basis of the phonological behavior of disharmonic vowels that Uyghur vowel harmony is actually quite different from the Turkish system in that harmony propagates only [-back] and harmony applies both cyclically and postcyclically. I demonstrate furthermore that the Uyghur facts can only be insightfully accounted for in a theory that assumes derivations, cyclicity, and visibility of the sort elaborated in Halle and Vergnaud 1987, Halle 1995, Calabrese 1995, Vaux 1998, and Halle, Vaux, and Wolfe 2000. Theories of harmony that model transparency and opacity in terms of featural underspecification and prespecification respectively (e.g. Clements 1976, Clements and Sezer 1982, Clements 1987) fail to account for derived transparency in Uyghur, and output-driven OT frameworks such as Cole and Kisseberth 1994, Pulleyblank 1996, and Ringen and Heinfimfiki 1999 are unable to capture the range of surface facts produced by the interaction of cyclic and post-cyclic vowel harmony with post-cyclic vowel raising in cyclic and non-cyclic environments},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
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}
this paper I argue on the basis of the phonological behavior of disharmonic vowels that Uyghur vowel harmony is actually quite different from the Turkish system in that harmony propagates only [-back] and harmony applies both cyclically and postcyclically. I demonstrate furthermore that the Uyghur facts can only be insightfully accounted for in a theory that assumes derivations, cyclicity, and visibility of the sort elaborated in Halle and Vergnaud 1987, Halle 1995, Calabrese 1995, Vaux 1998, and Halle, Vaux, and Wolfe 2000. Theories of harmony that model transparency and opacity in terms of featural underspecification and prespecification respectively (e.g. Clements 1976, Clements and Sezer 1982, Clements 1987) fail to account for derived transparency in Uyghur, and output-driven OT frameworks such as Cole and Kisseberth 1994, Pulleyblank 1996, and Ringen and Heinfimfiki 1999 are unable to capture the range of surface facts produced by the interaction of cyclic and post-cyclic vowel harmony with post-cyclic vowel raising in cyclic and non-cyclic environments
Vaux, Bert
Aspiration in English Journal Article
In: University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2002.
@article{Vaux2002c,
title = {Aspiration in English},
author = {Bert Vaux},
year = {2002},
date = {2002-03-07},
urldate = {2002-03-07},
journal = {University of Wisconsin-Madison},
abstract = {Aspiration in English is generally thought to be the product of a straightforward allophonic rule, which in a clear-cut phonological environment strengthens voiceless stops that are underlyingly unmarked for aspiration. In this talk I demonstrate that the conditions under which aspiration occurs are far from clear-cut but definitely do not refer to prosodic structure, and that aspiration is but one manifestation of [spread glottis], the true culprit in this case. I argue moreover that the aspiration facts provide evidence for abstract stress contours, a phonological distinction between bound and unbound morphemes, and the unmarkedness of [spread glottis] in English. The latter is connected to the fact that aspiration is the elsewhere case in English, which I connect to Iverson and Salmons’ 1995 proposal that the English fortis stops are underlyingly specified as [spread glottis].},
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Aspiration in English is generally thought to be the product of a straightforward allophonic rule, which in a clear-cut phonological environment strengthens voiceless stops that are underlyingly unmarked for aspiration. In this talk I demonstrate that the conditions under which aspiration occurs are far from clear-cut but definitely do not refer to prosodic structure, and that aspiration is but one manifestation of [spread glottis], the true culprit in this case. I argue moreover that the aspiration facts provide evidence for abstract stress contours, a phonological distinction between bound and unbound morphemes, and the unmarkedness of [spread glottis] in English. The latter is connected to the fact that aspiration is the elsewhere case in English, which I connect to Iverson and Salmons’ 1995 proposal that the English fortis stops are underlyingly specified as [spread glottis].
2000
Vaux, Bert
The Armenian Dialect of Aslanbeg Journal Article
In: Annual of Armenian linguistics, vol. 21, pp. 31-64, 2000.
@article{Vaux2000,
title = {The Armenian Dialect of Aslanbeg},
author = {Bert Vaux},
year = {2000},
date = {2000-03-22},
urldate = {2000-03-22},
journal = {Annual of Armenian linguistics},
volume = {21},
pages = {31-64},
abstract = {Introduction The following is loosely based on Hrachea Aaean's --nnu+iwn Aslanbgi Barba ["Study of the Aslanbeg Dialect"], which appeared in the journal Bazmavp in 1898. As the Aslanbeg dialect shows many features of interest to dialectologists and theoretical linguists alike, but Aaean's original article is written in Armenian and no longer available to the general academic community, I have undertaken this reworking for all those who may benefit from it. All passages taken directly from Aaean's original article are italicized. Aslanbeg is located in the northwest corner of Asia Minor, three hours by foot from the cities of Nicomedia and Isnimit (modern Iznik and Izmit, slightly southeast of Istanbul). There are actually three Aslanbegs (each now called `Aslanbey') in northwest Turkey; though none of these appear on any map of Turkey, the Gazetteer lists their locations as 40.44N 30.48E, 41.46N 3},
keywords = {},
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Introduction The following is loosely based on Hrachea Aaean's --nnu+iwn Aslanbgi Barba ["Study of the Aslanbeg Dialect"], which appeared in the journal Bazmavp in 1898. As the Aslanbeg dialect shows many features of interest to dialectologists and theoretical linguists alike, but Aaean's original article is written in Armenian and no longer available to the general academic community, I have undertaken this reworking for all those who may benefit from it. All passages taken directly from Aaean's original article are italicized. Aslanbeg is located in the northwest corner of Asia Minor, three hours by foot from the cities of Nicomedia and Isnimit (modern Iznik and Izmit, slightly southeast of Istanbul). There are actually three Aslanbegs (each now called `Aslanbey') in northwest Turkey; though none of these appear on any map of Turkey, the Gazetteer lists their locations as 40.44N 30.48E, 41.46N 3
Vaux, Bert; Halle, Morris; Wolfe, Andrew
On Feature Spreading and the Representation of Place of Articulation Journal Article
In: Linguistic inquiry, vol. 31, no. 3, pp. 387-444, 2000.
@article{Vaux2000b,
title = {On Feature Spreading and the Representation of Place of Articulation},
author = {Bert Vaux and Morris Halle and Andrew Wolfe},
doi = {10.1162/002438900554398},
year = {2000},
date = {2000-03-22},
urldate = {2000-03-22},
journal = {Linguistic inquiry},
volume = {31},
number = {3},
pages = {387-444},
abstract = {this paper a new theory of phonological representations and operations which incorporates insights from recent work on terminal feature spreading (Halle 1995) and Vowel-Place Theory (Ni Chiosgin and Padgett 1993, Clements and Hume 1995), as well as pre-feature-geometric work on articulator features (Chomsky and Halle 1968). The primary novel suggestions made here are that: Feature spreading is autonomous. Spreading of a node in the feature tree involves autonomous spreading of that node and of all its dependent nodes and features. The fact that an individual node or feature is blocked from spreading does not entail that the remainder of the propagating set is also blocked.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
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this paper a new theory of phonological representations and operations which incorporates insights from recent work on terminal feature spreading (Halle 1995) and Vowel-Place Theory (Ni Chiosgin and Padgett 1993, Clements and Hume 1995), as well as pre-feature-geometric work on articulator features (Chomsky and Halle 1968). The primary novel suggestions made here are that: Feature spreading is autonomous. Spreading of a node in the feature tree involves autonomous spreading of that node and of all its dependent nodes and features. The fact that an individual node or feature is blocked from spreading does not entail that the remainder of the propagating set is also blocked.