@inbook{Williams2017bb,

title = {Chapter 14: English in Wales},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1515/9783110525045-014},

isbn = {9783110525045},

year  = {2017},

date = {2017-01-23},

pages = {265-288},

publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton},

chapter = {14},

abstract = {The relationship between the English and Welsh languages in Wales is a rich experience of language contact, conflict, shift, and inter-penetration of cultures, mores, ideas and, to some extent, the joint venture of promoting the notion of Britishness within a unifed UK Crown and Polity. However, as England’s first colony the Welsh experience is replete with strategic, military, political, legal, and socio-economic patterns and processes which were transposed elsewhere as the reach of England and of the English language became more robust in geo-strategic and commercial terms. This essay considers the historical context of this relationship together with a specific focus on language, sociolinguistics, literature, education, language promotion, and group dynamics, official policy on language equality and legislation and a conclusion which emphasizes that the current attempt to promote an official bilingual society has to take cognisance of the increasingly plural and multicultural reality of contemporary Wales.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2016bb,

title = {Beasley [née James], (Catherine) Eileen (1921–2012), teacher and Welsh-language campaigner},

author = {Collin Williams and E Wyn James},

doi = {10.1093/ref:odnb/105629},

year  = {2016},

date = {2016-01-07},

publisher = {Oxford University Press},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2015,

title = {Legislative Devolution and the Enactment of the Official Status of Welsh in Wales},

author = {Collin Williams},

editor = {Inigo Urrutia and Jean-Pierre Massia and Xabier Irujo},

isbn = {978 2 37032 053 7},

year  = {2015},

date = {2015-11-01},

pages = {183-203},

publisher = {Institut Universitaire Varenne},

chapter = {13},

abstract = {The answers to this question lie well beyond the domestic interests of Wales for what legislative devolution occasions is a different constitutional configuration within the UK as a multi-level state. This reform also has implications for the working of the National Assembly for Wales as a primary legislative body, in other words a Parliament, for relations between Westminster and Cardiff and for the treatment of the Welsh language as an official language both within Wales and by extension in a wider international community.

The question of the official status of Welsh has been an epiphenomenal legal and socio-political issue for over five centuries, ever since the Henrican reforms of the Acts of Union of 1535/6 and 1542/31. The introduction of the English common law was accompanied by an injunction that a knowledge of English should be an essential qualification to hold public office.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2014,

title = {Minority Nationalist Historiography},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.4324/9781315749761-13},

isbn = {9781315749761},

year  = {2014},

date = {2014-10-03},

pages = {203-221},

publisher = {Routledge},

abstract = {This chapter argues that in the main geographic forays into the field of nationalism have tended to tell the victor's side of the story and have left the vanquished to cry in the wilderness. It highlights two tendencies which serve to gloss over the origins of selected nationalist movements and to reduce the significance of nationalist historiography in our reconstruction of the past. It emphasise the significant role of key nationalist actors. Religion was a central plank of some nationalist theorising. Tracing one's cultural lineage to the Judaeo-Christian origins of European civilisation was an obvious means of legitimising one's national past in a common heritage. The chapter examines the three senses, illustrated by a leading Welsh nationalist theoretician. It focuses on Christian idealism as a source of socio-political action for it figures prominently in the arguments and theories of prominent nationalists such as Sabino de Arana, Saunders Lewis and Daniel O'Connell.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2014b,

title = {Minority Nationalist Historiography},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.4324/9781315749761-13},

isbn = {9781315749761},

year  = {2014},

date = {2014-10-03},

pages = {203-221},

publisher = {Routledge},

abstract = {This chapter argues that in the main geographic forays into the field of nationalism have tended to tell the victor's side of the story and have left the vanquished to cry in the wilderness. It highlights two tendencies which serve to gloss over the origins of selected nationalist movements and to reduce the significance of nationalist historiography in our reconstruction of the past. It emphasise the significant role of key nationalist actors. Religion was a central plank of some nationalist theorising. Tracing one's cultural lineage to the Judaeo-Christian origins of European civilisation was an obvious means of legitimising one's national past in a common heritage. The chapter examines the three senses, illustrated by a leading Welsh nationalist theoretician. It focuses on Christian idealism as a source of socio-political action for it figures prominently in the arguments and theories of prominent nationalists such as Sabino de Arana, Saunders Lewis and Daniel O'Connell.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013b,

title = {The Logic of Best-Practice Language Strategy},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_7},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {196-229},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {The most formal document which outlines a government’s approach to the protection and promotion of one or more minority languages is an official language strategy, and nearly all EU jurisdictions now have such a provision. However, the debate as to what constitutes a good language strategy is rarely conducted in public and only occasionally behind closed doors in government circles — usually when there is a crisis or an apparent breakdown of communication between an arm of government and one of its several partners tasked with delivering an important element of strategy. In this chapter we move from an overview description of how language strategies are constructed, measured and evaluated to a more prescriptive and normative assessment of what makes a good language strategy. The interpretation identfies significant elements of current best practice from within the case studies surveyed and recommends their emulation elsewhere in Europe, North America and parts of Africa and Asia.1},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {Official Language Strategies in Comparative Perspective},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_6},

isbn = {978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {123-195},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Hitherto we have been concerned with the protection and promotion of official language minorities by evaluating the extent to which policy and legislation reinforce each other. This chapter develops this discussion by comparing the approach taken by a variety of governments to developing their official languages strategies. A great deal can be gleaned from the official pronouncements of government in terms of State traditions, the nature of language regimes, the balance between corpus, status and acquisition planning and the like. Application of the lessons learned will be discussed in the next chapter which will summarize the best practice available so as to provide guidelines and recommendations for improving government language planning policy, to be used at a number of levels, from the European to the local government level.1},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {The Mask of Piety},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_1},

isbn = {978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {1-11},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {In this volume I offer an extended treatment of the official language strategies and minority language policies as a diagnostic indicator of the vitality and standing of selected international cases drawn from the European Union (EU) and Canada. The analysis is concerned with the relationship between the promotion, protection and regulation of official minority languages.1 Perhaps ‘minoritized’ languages would be closer to the truth for that represents an historical process, whereas Catalan speakers today would object to my describing them as speaking a minority language when there are more Catalan speakers than Swedes, Danes or Norwegians. I argue that for the past 40 years or so several polities and sub-state regions have witnessed a sustained attempt to navigate selected languages into the mainstream of public policy, especially within the fields of statutory education, local government, the media and community affairs. Having gained an element of success, through promotion and planning, many of the language regimes under review have opted for an increase in the legislative underpinning which gives purchase to the rights and expectations of identifiable groups and citizens. This empowering legislation reflects a recognition that the state should construct a supportive framework within which target official languages can be used as a matter of choice in the provision of public services, in the courts of law and in the realm of public administration as a language of work as well as of service delivery.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {Legislative Frameworks and Comparative Language Acts},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_3},

isbn = {978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {34-89},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {In a volume devoted to the relationship between the promotion, protection and regulation of language the critical questions are what sort of language policy is being promulgated and to what extent are the language rights or available services actually upheld as a matter of routine, daily behaviour. Typically, an examination of the manner in which specific language regimes operate demands some consideration of the wider legal and political context.1 I will scrutinize this by focusing on aspects of the European legislative landscape, teasing out what may be said about human rights and language standards as far as the official EU and Council of Europe recommendations and treaty obligations are concerned. This information will then be used to interpret and calibrate the findings of the From Act to Action Project, which was a systematic analysis of the implementation of official language legislation in three EU contexts: Finland, Ireland and Wales. The project’s aim was to ascertain to what extent legislative acts are put into action by responsible authorities and with what consequence for the implementation of official language strategies. The chapter will close by offering a series of considerations, derived from the project, which have purchase for many other EU contexts where bilingualism and multilingualism are officially recognized in domestic and international law.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {Policy Implications and Recommendations},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_5},

isbn = {978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {111-122},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Language regimes tend to reflect the political culture and administrative styles of their respective states. This will be demonstrated by reference to the most important policy implications drawn from the case studies of the implementation of language legislation in Finland, Ireland and Wales. The policy analysis recognizes the status of Language Acts as being fundamental for the protection of linguistic diversity, but also recognizes the importance of institutions and mechanisms supporting the active implementation of language rights and duties as stated in the respective Language Acts. The chapter concludes with a set of recommendations to be considered at various levels of implementation.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {The Embedded Nature of Language Legislation},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_4},

isbn = {978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {90-110},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {The context within which language law and policy operate is an important feature to analyze. Language policy need not necessarily be related to a particular legislative system or specific Language Acts. However, constitutionally entrenched or statutorily binding language policy tends to be more explicit if it operates within a robust and stable framework. Conventionally, legal specialists are prone to interpret language legislation in terms of its effect on other aspects of the legal system, the constitution of the host state and on the rights and ethno-linguistic vitality of the individual or community to which specific rights apply. A secondary concern is how legislation is analyzed in terms of its impact on institutional systems and organizational culture. A third is in terms of language and law in practice in trial situations, or from the perspective of the language and power school of legal anthropology as detailed by Matesoia (2013).},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {The Mask of Piety and the Faltering Polity},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_9},

isbn = { 978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {294-299},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {One dominant theme of this volume has been the relationship between protection, promotion and regulation. Another has been the manner in which official language strategies and frameworks have been managed in the delicate transition process either from a post-welfare State to a neo-liberal State as in the UK and Ireland or from an authoritarian State to a more liberal State as in Spain. I have argued that there is a tendency for the public rhetoric regarding the promotion of official languages to be hidden behind a Mask of Piety. The everyday reality is quite different from the strategies, rights and programmes trumpeted by officialdom. In part this divergence reflects a lack of commitment to the full implementation of policy and in part it reflects a broader structural approach wherein selected hegemonic forces have been simultaneously hollowing out the state and the conceptions of citizenship. This has been done in such a manner that governments give the impression that by transferring ownership of the processes of sociocultural reproduction they have increased the level of community control and accountability over language, public service delivery systems and educational matters. However, no amount of increased sponsorship, partnership development and greater recognition of the lived diversity of multicultural pluralism can hide the fact that, for the most part, the target groups under discussion feel that they are facing increasing threats to their survival, integrity and treatment as coequal official language speakers},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {Official Language Commissioners},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_8},

isbn = {978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

pages = {230-293},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {The final part of this volume is concerned with the regulation and compliance functions which pertain to official language legislation. I have argued that despite the greater specification of the role of law, of language rights and of the statutory obligations on public bodies in particular, there remains a tension between the promotional and the regulatory aspects of language policy. Providing an opportunity to use a target language within the affairs of the central or local State is one thing, regulating and upholding its application is quite another. Typically, the law provides a range of mechanisms by which official language minorities may be recognized and their rights and services protected and, if need be, redressed through due process. These would include the establishment of permanent parliamentary committees on official languages, legal remedies before the courts of law, the specification of a range of government services and, significantly for this analysis, the Office of Official Language Commissioner or a combination of some or all of these. Within several jurisdictions Language Commissioners are becoming increasingly central to the implementation of Language Acts and of securing access to social justice. This chapter will critique the longest-established example, that of Canada, before turning to two more recent variants, as exemplified by Ireland and Wales.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2013bb,

title = {Managing Official Language Legislative Regimes},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9781137000842_2},

isbn = {978-1-349-43344-5},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-01-01},

urldate = {2013-01-01},

pages = {12-33},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Managing linguistic diversity as a public good is a challenge in any political system. Doing so in the name of a variety of constituent minorities, as happens in several European multilingual states, is a more daunting challenge. Even if the central state apparatus recognizes the legitimacy of dealing with many of its citizens in a language other than the hegemonic one, there remains the tendentious issue of parity of esteem within and between the constituent language minorities. To take the UK and Spain as examples, it does not necessarily follow that once the British and Spanish state have accorded Welsh or Catalan a certain degree of recognition and responsibility, the same degree of recognition will necessarily be offered for Gaelic in Scotland, Irish in Northern Ireland or Basque and Galician in Spain.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2012,

title = {Multilingualism and Minority Languages},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1002/9781405198431.wbeal0803},

year  = {2012},

date = {2012-11-01},

publisher = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},

abstract = {The interaction between hegemonic state languages and autochthonous or allochthonous minority languages is a fascinating, sometimes tragic, relationship, interpreted here from a sociopolitical and policy-related perspective. Keywords: European Union; language planning; language policy; heritage languages; minority languages; multilingualism.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2011,

title = {The Imperial Reach and the Reluctant Response},

author = {Collin Williams},

isbn = {978 0 9562615 2 6},

year  = {2011},

date = {2011-07-01},

pages = {295-313},

publisher = {Clò Ostaig},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2010,

title = {Linguistic Diversity and Legislative Regimes},

author = {Collin Williams},

isbn = {978 84 87122 98 9},

year  = {2010},

date = {2010-04-01},

pages = {21-57},

publisher = {Eusko Legebiltzarra= Parlamento Vasco},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2009bb,

title = {Let Freedom Reign: The Impress of EU Integration on Minority Survival},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230104167_11},

isbn = { 978-1-349-38197-5},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-01-01},

pages = {185-203},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, New York},

abstract = {The fate of smaller nations within Europe has been a history of subordi- nation, conquest, and periodic resurgence as the international political and economic system opens and closes in terms of minority recogni- tion. A flowering of sorts followed the Versailles Treaties of 1918—19, which established a new European order only for that brief recognition of national self-determination to be crushed by successive impulses of Fascism and virulent state communism, and of course, we live with some of the postwar consequences to this day in various forms. A few nations have regained their independence, while many others have experienced some degree of sub-state autonomy and regional devolution of power.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2009bb,

title = {Introduction: European Union Enlargement and Citizen Empowerment},

author = {Collin Williams},

url = {http://orca.cardiff.ac.uk/id/eprint/15102

},

isbn = {978-1-349-58601-1},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-01-01},

urldate = {2009-01-01},

pages = {1-22},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2009bb,

title = {Conclusion: Identity and Democracy in an Enlarged Europe},

author = {Collin Williams},

url = {http://orca.cardiff.ac.uk/id/eprint/15104},

isbn = {978-1-349-58601-1},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-01-01},

urldate = {2009-01-01},

pages = {227-234},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2009bb,

title = {Governance Without Conviction},

author = {Collin Williams},

isbn = {978-1-349-58601-1},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-01-01},

urldate = {2009-01-01},

pages = {89-122},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {Securing “Official Bilingualism”: From Special Pleading to Deliberative Democracy?},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_6},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-07-01},

pages = {162-184},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {This chapter interprets the ideological, political and legal implications of incorporating “official bilingualism” as a key policy objective within parts of the UK, Ireland and Canada. It will do so by examining the transition from a minority dependency situation to one of a more inclusive, if not quite deliberative, democracy. This involves, inter alia, discussions of interest group pluralism and deliberative democracy, the effectiveness of language legislation, the promotion of an equality agenda and the impact of asymmetrical devolution.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {Welsh Language Policy and the Logic of Legislative Devolution},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_8},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {245-301},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Wales is a conquered nation and like all conquered nations has suffered the consequences. But by contrast to several other European cases, Wales demonstrates a remarkable example of what might be called stealth ethno-genesis and the politics of resilience. It has refused to disappear from the pages of history and much of this refusal is intertwined within the struggle for the language.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {The Nationalist Inheritance in a Globalising World},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_2},

isbn = { 978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {24-46},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Over the past thirty years or so rapid changes in the political landscape of Europe, together with the unravelling of globalisation have challenged our established notions of political community, citizenship and crucially national identity. Many argue that the nation-state no longer reflects the apogee of responsible government. This is because the ideas and political desires associated with a nationalist world view reflect processes that are the logical outcome of nineteenth century aspirations. It is further argued that nationalism, its handmaiden, is increasingly anachronistic and has lost much of its salience within an international political and legal order which is responsive to the post-sovereign realities of multinational organisations, transnational agencies and global communication.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {The Democratic Impulse and Social Justice},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_3},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {47-73},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {An inherent ambiguity lies at the heart of the debate on the social and cultural future of Europe. Both individuals and a multitude of ethnocultural groups increasingly interact within decentralised and diverse frameworks, while the political system which guarantees such autonomy is becoming evermore centralised within the supra-national structures of an expanding EU and its associated organisations. The traditional method of reducing ethnocultural diversity by closing or redrawing borders no longer applies, as the geography of bounded space gives way – at least in theory – to a geography of communication flows, and a new strategy for mutual coexistence demands the deterritorialisation of identity. The sad truth for many in Europe today, however, is that the direction and speed of this transition is precisely the point at issue. Although the most satisfactory method of ensuring cultural autonomy is to allow individuals to determine group membership for themselves, this dilutes the geographical concentration of ethnic groups and renders many of them vulnerable within a multicultural framework: ambiguity, tension and conflict are the inevitable consequences (Lijphart, 1995).},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {Enhancing Linguistic Diversity in Europe: Cross-Cutting Themes},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_5},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {120-161},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Elements within European society have embarked on a mission to create a common structure out of an uncommon mélange of languages. I have already discussed a number of innovative and challenging ways in which this search for a common structure is both a realisable goal and an ever-changing impediment to successful democratic citizenship. Actors as varied as state governments, the European Union and Parliament, multilateral interest groups and regional level authorities contribute both to the policy agenda and to the construction of the infra-structure whereby languages can be accommodated within a complex network of agencies. But the underlying concern I want to address is what holds these various, at times, quite conflicting perspectives, together? Clearly there is no single answer, nor even a set of adequate answers, to which one can turn to for advice and leadership. Nevertheless, there is, I believe, a constant need to look beyond the obvious, the immediate, the pressing concerns of political expediency, when addressing minority and immigrant language issues on a broader European canvass.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {Celtic Language Regimes and the Basis for Deliberation},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_7},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {185-244},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Michael Ignatieff has advised that “we need to stop thinking of human rights as trumps and begin thinking of them as a language that creates the basis for deliberation” (Ignatieff, 2001, p. 95). He rejects foundational thinking about human rights as a kind of secular belief system or idolatry and urges that we seek to build support for human rights on the basis of what such rights actually do for human beings. A nested hierarchy of general and specific rights are now operational within the international order, the sovereign state and those sub-state agencies charged with the delivery of language-related services. In consequence rights and obligations will increasingly be protected and upheld by overlapping jurisdictions. In some jurisdictions, such as the EU, this will require increased shared sovereignty while in others, such as many of the emerging states, it will require the strengthening of state sovereignty as the guarantor against tyranny, civil war and anarchy. In either case specifying under what conditions minority rights are to be recognised and then implemented requires a toleration of diverse means of managing majority–minority relations, even within the same state jurisdiction. Equality of recognition does not necessarily imply unanimity in treatment. Thus it is that within the UK and Ireland variants of Gaelic have been subject to quite astonishing degrees of differential treatment and even today there is no uniform response to the issue of rebuilding the Celtic languages (Ó Néill, 2005).},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {Democratic Inclusion for the One and the Many},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_1},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {1-23},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {In the late nineteenth century members of most European national groups assumed that one day their languages and cultures would be nourished within an international political system which appeared to be reconfiguring itself as a result of the rise of the nation-state and the dissolution of the old imperial order. By the mid-twentieth century such hopes seemed impossible because they were inconceivable. At the beginning of the twenty first century similar aspirations now seem partly realisable in a continent which is reshaping itself to contend with forces which challenge so many of the rules and patterns of our interaction as citizens.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {Language Policy and Planning Issues in Multicultural Societies},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_4},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {74-119},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {Issues of language choice and behaviour are integral to the social, economic and political stability of multicultural societies. This chapter explores the role of language policy and planning as instruments of social development and examines selected dilemmas faced by multilingual states as they seek to formalise language choice through a variety of implicit and explicit language-related reforms. It is my conviction that language planning can only be properly understood when seen as a form of socio-political intervention. Many take the view that language planning, as a discipline, has developed a certain objective detachment that allows it to be treated as if it were a form of scientific exercise. I accept that in certain aspects, such as corpus planning, translation and software development, such objectivity and precision is reached. However, language planning is in essence an extension of social policy aimed at behaviour modification. Given this it is essential that the broader social and political context, within which language planning is exercised, is fully acknowledged. Consequently the first part of this chapter discusses the various implications of recognising some languages at the expense of others within liberal democratic practices. It then suggests comparisons between the European and African experiences of language planning, before focussing on power differentials between hegemonic language groups and dependent language groups.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}

@inbook{Williams2008bb,

title = {The Limits to Freedom},

author = {Collin Williams},

doi = {10.1057/9780230597570_10},

isbn = {978-1-349-54131-7},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-01-01},

pages = {361-404},

publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},

abstract = {The argument advanced in this chapter is that steps are being taken to construct a political framework which acknowledges the positive virtue of cultural pluralism on the basis of equality as a necessary prerequisite for democracy and freedom of action in an increasingly multicultural world order. In Europe, this raises fresh issues concerned with the distribution of power in society and with the encouragement of democratic participation by previously beleaguered interest groups. This recognition demands both mutual respect and robust structures of freedom so as to guarantee the conditions for cultural reproduction.},

type = {inbook},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {inbook}

}