Dimitris Dalakoglou
2014
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The EU presidency and the bottom of Aegean Sea Journal Article
In: TruthOut ?weblog article, 4 February 2014?, 2014.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Domoney, Ross; Brekke, Jaya-Klara; Filippidis, Christos; Vradis, Antonis
Future suspended Journal Article
In: 2014.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Roads and Anthropology Book
Routledge, 2014, ISBN: 978-1138803572.
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publisher = {Routledge},
abstract = {The current text locates the anthropological study of roads within the wider context of studies on mobility and modernity. Besides introducing the articles of this special issue of Mobilities on roads and anthropology, this introduction also addresses some of the broader theoretical and epistemological implications of the anthropological perspective on roads, space, time and (im)mobility.},
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The current text locates the anthropological study of roads within the wider context of studies on mobility and modernity. Besides introducing the articles of this special issue of Mobilities on roads and anthropology, this introduction also addresses some of the broader theoretical and epistemological implications of the anthropological perspective on roads, space, time and (im)mobility.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Flows Infrastructures Networks Book Chapter
In: pp. 8 page, 2014.
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2013
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
‘From the Bottom of the Aegean Sea’ to Golden Dawn: Security, Xenophobia, and the Politics of Hate in Greece Journal Article
In: Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, vol. 13, no. 3, pp. 514-522, 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013,
title = {‘From the Bottom of the Aegean Sea’ to Golden Dawn: Security, Xenophobia, and the Politics of Hate in Greece},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou},
doi = {10.1111/sena.12054},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-12-01},
journal = {Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism},
volume = {13},
number = {3},
pages = {514-522},
abstract = {‘Greece belongs to the West’declared, simplistically, one of the most famous political leaders of the Greek Right in the 1970s. However, his family name was Karamanlis, stemming etymologically from the Turkish language. Precisely like the surnames of a lot of Greeks including several nationalists, even leading neo-Nazis of the Golden Dawn party. 2 As perhaps is expected, neither of them would consider Turkey Western or European. The press officer and MP of Golden Dawn, Kassidiaris, has stated repeatedly the hate of the party for Turks, Muslims, Jews, non-white people, migrants, communists, anarchists, and more or less the rest of humanity apart from Nazis. Unfortunately for him, he fell victim to his own ideology, when the extreme-Right online forum ‘Stormfront’published his photograph, in August 2013, setting the question to its users whether they felt he looked like a white man. 3 Kassidiaris’ fellow Nazis were quite vocal on the subject; most of them concluding that he does not look like a white man. 4
The aforementioned incident about Kassidiaris along with Karamanlis’ statement highlight a fundamental problem preoccupying public life in modern Greece. If one wants to summarize that problem, they could talk about a main tension between at least two wide identity schemes: a supposedly Western-European version of collective self and a non-Western idiom of selfhood. The country became the case study of Herzfeld (2005) when he wanted to talk about the distinction between the elements of a national self that are displayed and the elements that remain hidden or underplayed.},
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‘Greece belongs to the West’declared, simplistically, one of the most famous political leaders of the Greek Right in the 1970s. However, his family name was Karamanlis, stemming etymologically from the Turkish language. Precisely like the surnames of a lot of Greeks including several nationalists, even leading neo-Nazis of the Golden Dawn party. 2 As perhaps is expected, neither of them would consider Turkey Western or European. The press officer and MP of Golden Dawn, Kassidiaris, has stated repeatedly the hate of the party for Turks, Muslims, Jews, non-white people, migrants, communists, anarchists, and more or less the rest of humanity apart from Nazis. Unfortunately for him, he fell victim to his own ideology, when the extreme-Right online forum ‘Stormfront’published his photograph, in August 2013, setting the question to its users whether they felt he looked like a white man. 3 Kassidiaris’ fellow Nazis were quite vocal on the subject; most of them concluding that he does not look like a white man. 4
The aforementioned incident about Kassidiaris along with Karamanlis’ statement highlight a fundamental problem preoccupying public life in modern Greece. If one wants to summarize that problem, they could talk about a main tension between at least two wide identity schemes: a supposedly Western-European version of collective self and a non-Western idiom of selfhood. The country became the case study of Herzfeld (2005) when he wanted to talk about the distinction between the elements of a national self that are displayed and the elements that remain hidden or underplayed.
The aforementioned incident about Kassidiaris along with Karamanlis’ statement highlight a fundamental problem preoccupying public life in modern Greece. If one wants to summarize that problem, they could talk about a main tension between at least two wide identity schemes: a supposedly Western-European version of collective self and a non-Western idiom of selfhood. The country became the case study of Herzfeld (2005) when he wanted to talk about the distinction between the elements of a national self that are displayed and the elements that remain hidden or underplayed.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The crisis before ?the crisis?: violence and urban neoliberalisation in Athens Conference
2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Ali, B; Berger, John; Kirn, Gal; Landesman, Tucker; Lunghi, Alessio; Merrifield, Andy; London, Occupied; Waters, Jacken
Disorder of the Day: Occupied London# 5 Book
Occupied London, 2013.
@book{Dalakoglou2013bb,
title = {Disorder of the Day: Occupied London# 5},
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year = {2013},
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Billaud, Julie
State, violence, infrastructures and public spaces in European periphery Journal Article
In: Allegra Lab, 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Domoney, Ross; Brekke, Jaya
The politics of knives Journal Article
In: 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013bb,
title = {The politics of knives},
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year = {2013},
date = {2013-10-01},
abstract = {This film is part of the research project crisis-scape.net The neo-?azi party Golden Dawn has been active in Greece since the mid-1980s. Through the years, GD has attacked migrants, antifascists and homosexuals, often with the tolerance or even the collaboration of parts of the Greek police force. In recent years, the party saw a largely unexplained soaring in its funding, a broad coverage of its activities (whether real or fictitious) by mainstream media and the opening up of more than fifty local branches across Athenian neighborhoods and Greek cities. The ostensibly meteoric rise of the GD in mainstream political discourse came at an extremely critical conjuncture, amidst the global financial crisis that hit Greece hard from approximately 2008/09 onward. In the 2009 national elections, GD had received a mere 0.2% of the vote; in 2012, its share sky-rocketed to approximately 7%. The electoral success of GD was matched by the introduction of anti-migration policies by the government coalition, often-encountered police operations specifically targeting anti-fascist activists in Athens and other Greek cities and the rise of racist attacks in the country. On September 17th a self-confessed GD member, Giorgos Roupakias, stabbed anti-fascist rap musician Pavlos Fyssas (aka Killah-P) to death. In the aftermath of the assassination the GD leader, Nikos Mihaloliakos, and key GD MPs and members have been arrested and charged. Only now, after decades of presence in the Greek political landscape, the GD?s connections to the country?s security forces and political establishment are untangled and exposed in mainstream political discourse and in the media.},
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This film is part of the research project crisis-scape.net The neo-?azi party Golden Dawn has been active in Greece since the mid-1980s. Through the years, GD has attacked migrants, antifascists and homosexuals, often with the tolerance or even the collaboration of parts of the Greek police force. In recent years, the party saw a largely unexplained soaring in its funding, a broad coverage of its activities (whether real or fictitious) by mainstream media and the opening up of more than fifty local branches across Athenian neighborhoods and Greek cities. The ostensibly meteoric rise of the GD in mainstream political discourse came at an extremely critical conjuncture, amidst the global financial crisis that hit Greece hard from approximately 2008/09 onward. In the 2009 national elections, GD had received a mere 0.2% of the vote; in 2012, its share sky-rocketed to approximately 7%. The electoral success of GD was matched by the introduction of anti-migration policies by the government coalition, often-encountered police operations specifically targeting anti-fascist activists in Athens and other Greek cities and the rise of racist attacks in the country. On September 17th a self-confessed GD member, Giorgos Roupakias, stabbed anti-fascist rap musician Pavlos Fyssas (aka Killah-P) to death. In the aftermath of the assassination the GD leader, Nikos Mihaloliakos, and key GD MPs and members have been arrested and charged. Only now, after decades of presence in the Greek political landscape, the GD?s connections to the country?s security forces and political establishment are untangled and exposed in mainstream political discourse and in the media.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Domoney, Ross; Filippidis, Christos
Landscapes of emergency Journal Article
In: 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Neo-Nazism and Neoliberalism: A Few Comments on Violence in Athens At the Time of Crisis Journal Article
In: WorkingUSA, vol. 16, no. 2, 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013bb,
title = {Neo-Nazism and Neoliberalism: A Few Comments on Violence in Athens At the Time of Crisis},
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year = {2013},
date = {2013-06-01},
journal = {WorkingUSA},
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abstract = {The so-called Greek crisis implies a rapid transition towards a regime of extreme neoliberalism, but it also implies the rise of the extreme Right. This article examines briefly the rise of Greek neo-Nazism and a genealogy of its violence. It emphasizes the links between formal and informal violent state apparatuses, focusing on the paradigmatic turn of the form of governance in Greece towards authoritarianism and extreme-Right wing discourses and practices.},
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The so-called Greek crisis implies a rapid transition towards a regime of extreme neoliberalism, but it also implies the rise of the extreme Right. This article examines briefly the rise of Greek neo-Nazism and a genealogy of its violence. It emphasizes the links between formal and informal violent state apparatuses, focusing on the paradigmatic turn of the form of governance in Greece towards authoritarianism and extreme-Right wing discourses and practices.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Fighting Neo-Nazis in Public: A Story about an Antifascist Motorbike Patrol Journal Article
In: www.crisis-scape.net, 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Neoliberalism and Neo-Nazism: Violence in Athens in Times of Crisis Book Chapter
In: Durand, Cédric (Ed.): La Fabrique, 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Rethink (ing) Athens: an ethnographic view from the centre of the city Journal Article
In: crisis-scape.net, 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Virtues, sweepers and changing values Journal Article
In: crisis-scape.net, 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The Crisis before " The Crisis " : Violence and Urban Neoliberalization in Athens Journal Article
In: Social justice (San Francisco, Calif.), vol. 39, no. 1 (1270, pp. 24-42, 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013bb,
title = {The Crisis before " The Crisis " : Violence and Urban Neoliberalization in Athens},
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abstract = {Matsaganis and Leventi 2011, 5). However, a substantial portion of the country's population was partially excluded or had a very unfair share of the material benefits that were linked to that growth. The first victims of exclusion were migrant populations. Between 1991 and 2001, over 600,000 migrants moved to Greece, mostly coming from other parts of the Balkans-Albania in particular. Due to the political and economic meltdown of socialist countries, but also to the lack of migration control apparatuses in Greece, most of these newcomers migrated without documents (Kapsalis 2007a; Dalakoglou 2010a). The first serious attempt at a regularization policy in Greece did not come until 2001 (Kapsalis 2007b). Most of these migrants therefore spent several years in Greece either with temporary documents or entirely without papers.},
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Matsaganis and Leventi 2011, 5). However, a substantial portion of the country's population was partially excluded or had a very unfair share of the material benefits that were linked to that growth. The first victims of exclusion were migrant populations. Between 1991 and 2001, over 600,000 migrants moved to Greece, mostly coming from other parts of the Balkans-Albania in particular. Due to the political and economic meltdown of socialist countries, but also to the lack of migration control apparatuses in Greece, most of these newcomers migrated without documents (Kapsalis 2007a; Dalakoglou 2010a). The first serious attempt at a regularization policy in Greece did not come until 2001 (Kapsalis 2007b). Most of these migrants therefore spent several years in Greece either with temporary documents or entirely without papers.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Greetings from Athenian democracy Journal Article
In: Open Democracy, vol. 14, 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013bb,
title = {Greetings from Athenian democracy},
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year = {2013},
date = {2013-01-01},
journal = {Open Democracy},
volume = {14},
abstract = {The rise of Golden Dawn as a political force on the streets of Athens has provided the Greek state the opportunity to adopt a xenophobic agenda and forcefully eliminate threats to government austerity. The detention and torture of migrant groups and political opponents in the city, seriously call into question the future credibility of Greek democracy.
Over the final few months of 2012, Greek mainstream media have ceased reporting on the neo-Nazi attacks on migrant communities which have blighted Athens for over a year now. Yet in mid-January 2013 one attack did warrant the media’s attention: in the Petralona district of Athens, two Greek men on a motorbike stabbed a Pakistani migrant to death. Thanks to an eye witness the two murderers were arrested a few minutes later. However, there is an evident disjuncture between the infrequent arrests linked to racially motivated violence, and the anecdotal evidence of daily harassment and violence directed at migrant communities in the city. Fear of retribution and the known links between the Greek police force and far-right groups operate to dissuade victims and eye-witnesses from reporting racially-motivated crimes, thus obscuring statistics on racist violence across the country.},
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The rise of Golden Dawn as a political force on the streets of Athens has provided the Greek state the opportunity to adopt a xenophobic agenda and forcefully eliminate threats to government austerity. The detention and torture of migrant groups and political opponents in the city, seriously call into question the future credibility of Greek democracy.
Over the final few months of 2012, Greek mainstream media have ceased reporting on the neo-Nazi attacks on migrant communities which have blighted Athens for over a year now. Yet in mid-January 2013 one attack did warrant the media’s attention: in the Petralona district of Athens, two Greek men on a motorbike stabbed a Pakistani migrant to death. Thanks to an eye witness the two murderers were arrested a few minutes later. However, there is an evident disjuncture between the infrequent arrests linked to racially motivated violence, and the anecdotal evidence of daily harassment and violence directed at migrant communities in the city. Fear of retribution and the known links between the Greek police force and far-right groups operate to dissuade victims and eye-witnesses from reporting racially-motivated crimes, thus obscuring statistics on racist violence across the country.
Over the final few months of 2012, Greek mainstream media have ceased reporting on the neo-Nazi attacks on migrant communities which have blighted Athens for over a year now. Yet in mid-January 2013 one attack did warrant the media’s attention: in the Petralona district of Athens, two Greek men on a motorbike stabbed a Pakistani migrant to death. Thanks to an eye witness the two murderers were arrested a few minutes later. However, there is an evident disjuncture between the infrequent arrests linked to racially motivated violence, and the anecdotal evidence of daily harassment and violence directed at migrant communities in the city. Fear of retribution and the known links between the Greek police force and far-right groups operate to dissuade victims and eye-witnesses from reporting racially-motivated crimes, thus obscuring statistics on racist violence across the country.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Durand, Cedric
En finir avec l'Europe Book
La Fabrique, 2013.
@book{Dalakoglou2013bb,
title = {En finir avec l'Europe},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou and Cedric Durand},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-01-01},
publisher = {La Fabrique},
abstract = {What is Europe, or rather the European Union? The culmination of a project launched in the 1950s under pressure from the United States, a tool for the internationalization of capital, a concerted scrapping of workers' rights, a single currency putting the countries of the periphery to the shadow of the German economy, a negation of the will of the people through bureaucratic Caesarism ...
"This is why any political project that takes seriously the objective of breaking with neoliberalism must ask itself the question of breaking with the euro, and therefore accept to fight against the EU itself."},
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What is Europe, or rather the European Union? The culmination of a project launched in the 1950s under pressure from the United States, a tool for the internationalization of capital, a concerted scrapping of workers' rights, a single currency putting the countries of the periphery to the shadow of the German economy, a negation of the will of the people through bureaucratic Caesarism ...
"This is why any political project that takes seriously the objective of breaking with neoliberalism must ask itself the question of breaking with the euro, and therefore accept to fight against the EU itself."
"This is why any political project that takes seriously the objective of breaking with neoliberalism must ask itself the question of breaking with the euro, and therefore accept to fight against the EU itself."
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Towards a Critical Anthropology of Material Infrastructures in South-East Europe Journal Article
In: Paper given in CUNY Graduate Center, Center for Place, Culture and Politics, 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013bb,
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abstract = {Dalakoglou, D 2013, Towards a critical anthropology of material infrastructures in South-East Europe. in CUNY, Graduate Centre, LEcture in the Center fro Place, Culture and Politics … Towards a critical anthropology of material infrastructures in South-East Europe. / Dalakoglou, D … CUNY, Graduate Centre, LEcture in the Center fro Place, Culture and Politics. 2013.},
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Dalakoglou, D 2013, Towards a critical anthropology of material infrastructures in South-East Europe. in CUNY, Graduate Centre, LEcture in the Center fro Place, Culture and Politics … Towards a critical anthropology of material infrastructures in South-East Europe. / Dalakoglou, D … CUNY, Graduate Centre, LEcture in the Center fro Place, Culture and Politics. 2013.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
State, Violence, Infrastructures and Public Spaces in the European Periphery Journal Article
In: Allegra Lab, 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013bb,
title = {State, Violence, Infrastructures and Public Spaces in the European Periphery},
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
"Take everything" Journal Article
In: crisis-scape.net, 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The city at a time of crisis: Transformations of public space in Athens Journal Article
In: presentation at University of Oxford European Studies Centre conference Agency in the time of Structural Adjustment: Social perspectives on contemporary Greece, vol. 9, 2013.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Brown, Gareth; Dowling, Emma; Montagna, Nicola; Milburn, Keir; Mew, Sue; Harvie, David; Gerbaudo, Paolo
Careless Talk: Social Reproduction and Fault-Lines of Crisis in the UK Journal Article
In: vol. 39, pp. 78 - 98, 2013.
@article{Dalakoglou2013bb,
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2012
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Restructuring Athenian urban materialities Journal Article
In: crisis-scape.net, 2012.
@article{Dalakoglou2012b,
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Harvey, Penny
Roads and anthropology: Ethnographic perspectives on space, time and (im)mobility Journal Article
In: Mobilities (special issue Roads and Anthropology), vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 459 - 465, 2012.
@article{Dalakoglou2012,
title = {Roads and anthropology: Ethnographic perspectives on space, time and (im)mobility},
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doi = {10.1080/17450101.2012.718426},
year = {2012},
date = {2012-11-01},
journal = {Mobilities (special issue Roads and Anthropology)},
volume = {7},
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pages = {459 - 465},
abstract = {The current text locates the anthropological study of roads within the wider context of studies on mobility and modernity. Besides introducing the articles of this special issue of Mobilities on roads and anthropology, this introduction also addresses some of the broader theoretical and epistemological implications of the anthropological perspective on roads, space, time and (im)mobility.},
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The current text locates the anthropological study of roads within the wider context of studies on mobility and modernity. Besides introducing the articles of this special issue of Mobilities on roads and anthropology, this introduction also addresses some of the broader theoretical and epistemological implications of the anthropological perspective on roads, space, time and (im)mobility.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The urban memory of the memorandum Journal Article
In: crisis-scape.net, 2012.
@article{Dalakoglou2012bb,
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Beyond Spontaneity: Crisis, Violence and Collective Action in Athens Journal Article
In: City, vol. 16, no. 5, pp. 535-545, 2012.
@article{Dalakoglou2012bb,
title = {Beyond Spontaneity: Crisis, Violence and Collective Action in Athens},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou},
doi = {10.1080/13604813.2012.720760},
year = {2012},
date = {2012-10-01},
journal = {City},
volume = {16},
number = {5},
pages = {535-545},
abstract = {This article argues for the analytical potentials of the concept of spontaneity in our effort to understand critically the socio-spatial dynamics of Athens, but especially the contemporary collective protest actions in the city. Such critical understanding emerges as a significant task given the current urgency to grasp the capitalist crisis and the collective reactions to it. However, taking into account the re-configuration of extreme-Right violence in the streets of Athens, the article attempts to revisit the Marxist dichotomy between spontaneity and non-spontaneity. Via an anthropological critique of this distinction, the paper suggests an additional point of focus beyond spontaneity.},
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This article argues for the analytical potentials of the concept of spontaneity in our effort to understand critically the socio-spatial dynamics of Athens, but especially the contemporary collective protest actions in the city. Such critical understanding emerges as a significant task given the current urgency to grasp the capitalist crisis and the collective reactions to it. However, taking into account the re-configuration of extreme-Right violence in the streets of Athens, the article attempts to revisit the Marxist dichotomy between spontaneity and non-spontaneity. Via an anthropological critique of this distinction, the paper suggests an additional point of focus beyond spontaneity.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The Movement and the “Movement” of Syntagma Square Journal Article
In: Cultural Anthropology-Hotspots, 2012.
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The late 1990s and early 2000s was the era of so-called "Strong Greece," or as another governmental slogan put it, the period of "Modernization." Under this banner, a project of neoliberal urban re-development prevailed for a decade or so. This was a period of economic growth powered by the emerging European Monetary Union and the linked neoliberal adjustments, including a rapidly increasing economy of credit and an abundance of inexpensive labor. This labor was mainly offered by migrants who came from collapsing former socialist states, especially Albania, but also by underemployed youth.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
'Greek-crisis' as violence: killing people and the deregulation of publicly performed political violence in Athens Journal Article
In: 2012.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Maharawal, Manissa McCleave; Christie, Isham
From Athens to Wall Street: reflections on occupy movements in Greece and the US Journal Article
In: 2012.
@article{Dalakoglou2012bb,
title = {From Athens to Wall Street: reflections on occupy movements in Greece and the US},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou and Manissa McCleave Maharawal and Isham Christie},
year = {2012},
date = {2012-03-01},
abstract = {March 19, 2012: The CUNY Graduate Center A discussion on the past, present and future of uprisings and occupy movements in Athens and New York City. With Special Guests: Dimitris Dalakoglou is co-editor of the book Revolt and Crisis in Greece, and a member of the Occupied London Collective. He works as a Lecturer in Anthropology at the University of Sussex (UK). Manissa McCleave Maharawal is a writer, activist and a doctoral student in the anthropology department at the CUNY Graduate Center. She has been involved with and written extensively about the Occupy movement since it started. Isham Christie is a student at the CUNY Graduate Center studying critical social theory, philosophy, and film. He has been involved with Occupy Wall Street since before the occupation began, in a range of working groups.},
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March 19, 2012: The CUNY Graduate Center A discussion on the past, present and future of uprisings and occupy movements in Athens and New York City. With Special Guests: Dimitris Dalakoglou is co-editor of the book Revolt and Crisis in Greece, and a member of the Occupied London Collective. He works as a Lecturer in Anthropology at the University of Sussex (UK). Manissa McCleave Maharawal is a writer, activist and a doctoral student in the anthropology department at the CUNY Graduate Center. She has been involved with and written extensively about the Occupy movement since it started. Isham Christie is a student at the CUNY Graduate Center studying critical social theory, philosophy, and film. He has been involved with Occupy Wall Street since before the occupation began, in a range of working groups.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Urban spatialities of the crisis: Athens beyond the Syntagma Square movement Conference
2012.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Domoney, Ross
Athens: Social Meltdown Journal Article
In: 2012.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Harvey, Penny
Special Issue: Roads and Anthropology Journal Article
In: vol. 7, 2012.
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2011
Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Vradis, Antonis
Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come Book
2011, ISBN: 978-0-98305-971-4.
@book{Dalakoglou2011,
title = {Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou and Antonis Vradis},
isbn = {978-0-98305-971-4},
year = {2011},
date = {2011-05-01},
abstract = {Occupied London is an anarchist collective writing on all things urban. Since 2007, the collective has worked together to publish an irregular journal, offering a platform for discussion within the global social antagonist movement, and featuring contributions by writers and collectives from around the globe, including Nasser Abourahme, Zygmunt Bauman, Franco Berardi, Klara Jaya Brekke, Manuel Castells, Mike Davis, Dimitris Dalakoglou, Christos Filippidis, David Graeber, Richard Pithouse, Marina Sitrin, Antonis Vradis, and many, many more. Since 2008, the collective has maintained a wildly popular blog, 'From the Greek Streets,' providing up-to-the-minute coverage of the urban revolt of December 2008 in Greece, and examining the impact and legacies of the revolt and the crisis that followed. AK Press is a worker-run, democratically-managed publisher of anarchist and radical literature. Founded in 1990, AK Press is a ten-person collective of committed anarchists, spread between Oakland, Baltimore, and Edinburgh, working hard to publish more than twenty new titles each year, and distributing thousands of other titles from like-minded publishers around the globe.},
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Occupied London is an anarchist collective writing on all things urban. Since 2007, the collective has worked together to publish an irregular journal, offering a platform for discussion within the global social antagonist movement, and featuring contributions by writers and collectives from around the globe, including Nasser Abourahme, Zygmunt Bauman, Franco Berardi, Klara Jaya Brekke, Manuel Castells, Mike Davis, Dimitris Dalakoglou, Christos Filippidis, David Graeber, Richard Pithouse, Marina Sitrin, Antonis Vradis, and many, many more. Since 2008, the collective has maintained a wildly popular blog, 'From the Greek Streets,' providing up-to-the-minute coverage of the urban revolt of December 2008 in Greece, and examining the impact and legacies of the revolt and the crisis that followed. AK Press is a worker-run, democratically-managed publisher of anarchist and radical literature. Founded in 1990, AK Press is a ten-person collective of committed anarchists, spread between Oakland, Baltimore, and Edinburgh, working hard to publish more than twenty new titles each year, and distributing thousands of other titles from like-minded publishers around the globe.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come Book Chapter
In: pp. 91-114, AK Press & Occupied London, London, 2011, ISBN: 978-0-98305-971-4.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Giovanopoulos, Christos
From ruptures to eruption: A genealogy of post-dictatorial revolts in Greece Book Chapter
In: Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Vradis, Antonis (Ed.): pp. 91-114, AK Press, 2011.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Spacial legacies of december and the right to the city Book Chapter
In: Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Vradis, Antonis (Ed.): pp. 77-88, Revolt and crisis in Greece. Between a present yet to pass, 2011.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The Irregularities of Violence in Athens Journal Article
In: HOTSPOTS-Cultural Anthropology, 2011.
@article{Dalakoglou2011bb,
title = {The Irregularities of Violence in Athens},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou},
year = {2011},
date = {2011-01-01},
journal = {HOTSPOTS-Cultural Anthropology},
abstract = {The so called'Greek crisis' is linked with enormous structural violence, exercised by the state apparatuses and international institutions (IMF, EU, ECB), against the entire social body. Besides the violence of poverty and marginalisation, the Greek crisis has already been associated with a profound increase in the rate of suicide and violent crimes; recent research has also revealed a dramatic impact on the general health of the population (http://www. thelancet. com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736% 2811% 2961556-0/fulltext). In this piece I will not focus on structural violence so much as on acts of physical violence performed publicly in Athens during recent political events. This kind of violence is a social event and often even a means of communication. It is a form of social interaction bearing meanings and reifying certain cultural rules. Publicly performed political violence often has organizational principles—a grammar—comprised of enforced practices, achieved via repetition and fragile political and practical dynamics. This explains why, for instance, in certain cities (eg Seoul or Athens) the use of petrol bombs by demonstrators is accepted/expected while elsewhere it is out of the question. This grammar sets certain limits in the public expression of violence. For example, in Greece where every officer has a handgun, this carries enormous symbolic significance as the demonstrators are unarmed. But it is well-known that the policemen are not supposed to use their guns during a protest. Another example is Molotov cocktails. },
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The so called'Greek crisis' is linked with enormous structural violence, exercised by the state apparatuses and international institutions (IMF, EU, ECB), against the entire social body. Besides the violence of poverty and marginalisation, the Greek crisis has already been associated with a profound increase in the rate of suicide and violent crimes; recent research has also revealed a dramatic impact on the general health of the population (http://www. thelancet. com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736% 2811% 2961556-0/fulltext). In this piece I will not focus on structural violence so much as on acts of physical violence performed publicly in Athens during recent political events. This kind of violence is a social event and often even a means of communication. It is a form of social interaction bearing meanings and reifying certain cultural rules. Publicly performed political violence often has organizational principles—a grammar—comprised of enforced practices, achieved via repetition and fragile political and practical dynamics. This explains why, for instance, in certain cities (eg Seoul or Athens) the use of petrol bombs by demonstrators is accepted/expected while elsewhere it is out of the question. This grammar sets certain limits in the public expression of violence. For example, in Greece where every officer has a handgun, this carries enormous symbolic significance as the demonstrators are unarmed. But it is well-known that the policemen are not supposed to use their guns during a protest. Another example is Molotov cocktails.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris; Vradis, Antonis
Introduction in Revolt and Crisis in Greece Book Chapter
In: AK Press-Occupied London, 2011.
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Be Greek for the Rest of your Life Journal Article
In: Unknown journal, 2011.
@article{Dalakoglou2011bb,
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The Square as Politico-Spatial Innovation Book Chapter
In: Mitropoulos, Dimitris; Giovanopoulos, Christos (Ed.): Discontinuity/Asynecheia, 2011.
@inbook{Dalakoglou2011bb,
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
The Movement and the “Movement” of Syntagma Square Journal Article
In: Cultural Anthropology-Hotspots, 2011.
@article{Dalakoglou2011bb,
title = {The Movement and the “Movement” of Syntagma Square},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou},
year = {2011},
date = {2011-01-01},
journal = {Cultural Anthropology-Hotspots},
abstract = {The late 1990s and early 2000s was the era of so-called" Strong Greece," or as another governmental slogan put it, the period of" Modernization." Under this banner, a project of neoliberal urban re-development prevailed for a decade or so. This was a period of economic growth powered by the emerging European Monetary Union and the linked neoliberal adjustments, including a rapidly increasing economy of credit and an abundance of inexpensive labor. This labor was mainly offered by migrants [1] who came from collapsing former socialist states, especially Albania [2], but also by underemployed youth [3].
During this period, metropolitan spatialities were “(re) generated” through the continuous (re) development of the greater Athens cityscape. This involved the building of Olympic facilities, a new airport, new highways, a subway system, tram network along with new shopping malls, to mention but a few of the new urban materialities. This materialization of the “utopia of unlimited exploitation”[4] was accompanied by an inflated sense of collective optimism and national pride, linked to the 2004 Athens Olympic Games, the international success of Greek athletes. This optimism was linked also to the material “newness” of the spectacular construction projects and the promises of new lifestyles that were radiated from the TV screens of a re-emerging “society of the spectacle”. The large-scale and continuous reconfiguration of spatial materialities is at the heart of neoliberal urban development [5]. Periods of construction are, however, usually a time of restricted physical access to spaces and de-socialization.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The late 1990s and early 2000s was the era of so-called" Strong Greece," or as another governmental slogan put it, the period of" Modernization." Under this banner, a project of neoliberal urban re-development prevailed for a decade or so. This was a period of economic growth powered by the emerging European Monetary Union and the linked neoliberal adjustments, including a rapidly increasing economy of credit and an abundance of inexpensive labor. This labor was mainly offered by migrants [1] who came from collapsing former socialist states, especially Albania [2], but also by underemployed youth [3].
During this period, metropolitan spatialities were “(re) generated” through the continuous (re) development of the greater Athens cityscape. This involved the building of Olympic facilities, a new airport, new highways, a subway system, tram network along with new shopping malls, to mention but a few of the new urban materialities. This materialization of the “utopia of unlimited exploitation”[4] was accompanied by an inflated sense of collective optimism and national pride, linked to the 2004 Athens Olympic Games, the international success of Greek athletes. This optimism was linked also to the material “newness” of the spectacular construction projects and the promises of new lifestyles that were radiated from the TV screens of a re-emerging “society of the spectacle”. The large-scale and continuous reconfiguration of spatial materialities is at the heart of neoliberal urban development [5]. Periods of construction are, however, usually a time of restricted physical access to spaces and de-socialization.
During this period, metropolitan spatialities were “(re) generated” through the continuous (re) development of the greater Athens cityscape. This involved the building of Olympic facilities, a new airport, new highways, a subway system, tram network along with new shopping malls, to mention but a few of the new urban materialities. This materialization of the “utopia of unlimited exploitation”[4] was accompanied by an inflated sense of collective optimism and national pride, linked to the 2004 Athens Olympic Games, the international success of Greek athletes. This optimism was linked also to the material “newness” of the spectacular construction projects and the promises of new lifestyles that were radiated from the TV screens of a re-emerging “society of the spectacle”. The large-scale and continuous reconfiguration of spatial materialities is at the heart of neoliberal urban development [5]. Periods of construction are, however, usually a time of restricted physical access to spaces and de-socialization.
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Crisis and Revolt in Europe Journal Article
In: Anthropology News, vol. 52, no. 9, 2011.
@article{Dalakoglou2011bb,
title = {Crisis and Revolt in Europe},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou},
year = {2011},
date = {2011-01-01},
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Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Rethinking reification and subjectivity during public eruptions of political violence in Athens Conference
2011.
@conference{Dalakoglou2011bb,
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2010
Dalakoglou, Dimitris
Migrating-remitting-'building'-dwelling: House-making as 'proxy' presence in postsocialist Albania Journal Article
In: Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, vol. 16, no. 4, pp. 761 - 777, 2010.
@article{Dalakoglou2010b,
title = {Migrating-remitting-'building'-dwelling: House-making as 'proxy' presence in postsocialist Albania},
author = {Dimitris Dalakoglou},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9655.2010.01652.x},
year = {2010},
date = {2010-11-03},
journal = {Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute},
volume = {16},
number = {4},
pages = {761 - 777},
abstract = {This article examines the material culture of migration, focusing on migrants' house-making projects in their countries of birth. In particular, it examines the houses built or refurbished by Albanians in their home-country, which is no longer their place of permanent residence. This is a widespread phenomenon in Albania, but it is also a frequently appearing practice amongst other international migrants. Why do migrants living outside their home-countries build houses there even though they do not plan to return? I seek to answer this question in the case of Albania by focusing empirically on the process of constructing these houses, rather than merely on the material entity of the house as such. I propose that such 'house-making' by Albanian migrants is not only a simple house-building process; it also ensures a constant dwelling and dynamic 'proxy' presence for migrants in their community of origin. These ethnographic observations have further significance for the anthropological study of both houses and international migration.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
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}
This article examines the material culture of migration, focusing on migrants' house-making projects in their countries of birth. In particular, it examines the houses built or refurbished by Albanians in their home-country, which is no longer their place of permanent residence. This is a widespread phenomenon in Albania, but it is also a frequently appearing practice amongst other international migrants. Why do migrants living outside their home-countries build houses there even though they do not plan to return? I seek to answer this question in the case of Albania by focusing empirically on the process of constructing these houses, rather than merely on the material entity of the house as such. I propose that such 'house-making' by Albanian migrants is not only a simple house-building process; it also ensures a constant dwelling and dynamic 'proxy' presence for migrants in their community of origin. These ethnographic observations have further significance for the anthropological study of both houses and international migration.