Dinh Lu Giang
2020
Kirby, James; Tạ, Tấn T.; Brunelle, Marc; Giang, Dinh Lu
Transphonologization of voicing in Chru: Studies in production and perception Journal Article
In: Laboratory Phonology, vol. 11, iss. 1, pp. 1-33, 2020.
@article{Kirby2020,
title = {Transphonologization of voicing in Chru: Studies in production and perception},
author = {James Kirby and Tấn T. Tạ and Marc Brunelle and Dinh Lu Giang},
doi = {10.5334/labphon.278},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-10-13},
urldate = {2020-10-13},
journal = {Laboratory Phonology},
volume = {11},
issue = {1},
pages = {1-33},
abstract = {Chru, a Chamic language of south-central Vietnam, has been described as combining contrastive obstruent voicing with incipient registral properties (Fuller, 1977). A production study reveals that obstruent voicing has already become optional and that the voicing contrast has been transphonologized into a register contrast based primarily on vowel height (F1). An identification study shows that perception roughly matches production in that F1 is the main perceptual cue associated with the contrast. Structured variation in production suggests a sound change still in progress: While younger speakers largely rely on vowel height to produce the register contrast, older male speakers maintain a variety of secondary properties, including optional closure voicing. Our results shed light on the initial stages of register formation and challenge the claim that register languages must go through a stage in which breathiness or aspiration is the primary contrastive property (Haudricourt, 1965; Wayland & Jongman, 2002; Thurgood, 2002). This article also complements several recent studies about the transphonologization of voicing in typologically diverse languages (Svantesson & House, 2006; Howe, 2017; Coetzee, Beddor, Shedden, Styler, & Wissing, 2018).
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Chru, a Chamic language of south-central Vietnam, has been described as combining contrastive obstruent voicing with incipient registral properties (Fuller, 1977). A production study reveals that obstruent voicing has already become optional and that the voicing contrast has been transphonologized into a register contrast based primarily on vowel height (F1). An identification study shows that perception roughly matches production in that F1 is the main perceptual cue associated with the contrast. Structured variation in production suggests a sound change still in progress: While younger speakers largely rely on vowel height to produce the register contrast, older male speakers maintain a variety of secondary properties, including optional closure voicing. Our results shed light on the initial stages of register formation and challenge the claim that register languages must go through a stage in which breathiness or aspiration is the primary contrastive property (Haudricourt, 1965; Wayland & Jongman, 2002; Thurgood, 2002). This article also complements several recent studies about the transphonologization of voicing in typologically diverse languages (Svantesson & House, 2006; Howe, 2017; Coetzee, Beddor, Shedden, Styler, & Wissing, 2018).
2019
Kirby, James; Brunelle, Marc; Tạ, Tấn T.; Giang, Đinh Lư
Obstruent Devoicing and Registrogenesis in Chru Conference
2019.
@conference{Kirby2019,
title = {Obstruent Devoicing and Registrogenesis in Chru},
author = {James Kirby and Marc Brunelle and Tấn T. Tạ and Đinh Lư Giang},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-01-01},
urldate = {2019-01-01},
abstract = {We describe the register system of Chru, a Chamic language of Vietnam. In Chru, a historical contrast between prevoiced and voiceless stops is now a system of two registers signalled by differences in f0, voice quality, and F1 in addition to closure voicing. However, closure voicing is in a state of flux: while older men maintain closure voicing in the onsets of low-register items, younger speakers and some older women frequently have no (or only weak) closure voicing in this context. In addition, the distribution of VOT in low register onsets is bimodal, realized either with strong closure voicing or greater VOT than voiceless stops. Interestingly, f0, F1 and voice quality cues are not enhanced after devoiced low-register stops, but instead are more pronounced after stops realized with closure voicing. We argue this indicates that enhancement of cues in phonologization must in some sense be complete before neutralization takes place.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {conference}
}
We describe the register system of Chru, a Chamic language of Vietnam. In Chru, a historical contrast between prevoiced and voiceless stops is now a system of two registers signalled by differences in f0, voice quality, and F1 in addition to closure voicing. However, closure voicing is in a state of flux: while older men maintain closure voicing in the onsets of low-register items, younger speakers and some older women frequently have no (or only weak) closure voicing in this context. In addition, the distribution of VOT in low register onsets is bimodal, realized either with strong closure voicing or greater VOT than voiceless stops. Interestingly, f0, F1 and voice quality cues are not enhanced after devoiced low-register stops, but instead are more pronounced after stops realized with closure voicing. We argue this indicates that enhancement of cues in phonologization must in some sense be complete before neutralization takes place.
2017
Kirby, James; Giang, Đinh Lư
On the r>h Shift in Kiên Giang Khmer Bachelor Thesis
2017, ISSN: 1836-6821.
@bachelorthesis{Kirby2017,
title = {On the r>h Shift in Kiên Giang Khmer},
author = {James Kirby and Đinh Lư Giang},
doi = {10524/52414},
issn = {1836-6821},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-12-10},
urldate = {2017-12-10},
journal = {Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society},
volume = {10},
pages = {66 - 85},
abstract = {This paper presents an acoustic and perceptual study of the r>h shift in the variety of Khmer spoken in Giồng Riềng district, Kiên Giang province, Vietnam. In Phnom Penh Khmer, /r/ is realized as [h] in syllable onsets and onset clusters, and accompanied by lowered pitch, breathiness, and in some cases a change in the quality of the following vowel. In Kiên Giang Khmer, the r>h shift is accompanied by pitch lowering, but without changes in aspiration or vowel quality, and spectral measures did not indicate substantial differences in voice quality. Consistent with their productions, users of this dialect appear to rely solely on differences pitch to identify these lexical items. We discuss the implications of our findings for Khmer dialectology, mechanisms of sound change, and variation in the realization of rhotics more generally.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {bachelorthesis}
}
This paper presents an acoustic and perceptual study of the r>h shift in the variety of Khmer spoken in Giồng Riềng district, Kiên Giang province, Vietnam. In Phnom Penh Khmer, /r/ is realized as [h] in syllable onsets and onset clusters, and accompanied by lowered pitch, breathiness, and in some cases a change in the quality of the following vowel. In Kiên Giang Khmer, the r>h shift is accompanied by pitch lowering, but without changes in aspiration or vowel quality, and spectral measures did not indicate substantial differences in voice quality. Consistent with their productions, users of this dialect appear to rely solely on differences pitch to identify these lexical items. We discuss the implications of our findings for Khmer dialectology, mechanisms of sound change, and variation in the realization of rhotics more generally.