Dinh Lu Giang
2021
Giang, Dinh Lu; Kirby, James
Relating Production and Perception of L2 Tone Book Chapter
In: pp. 249-272, Cambridge University Press, 2021, ISBN: 9781108840637.
@inbook{Giang2021,
title = {Relating Production and Perception of L2 Tone},
author = {Dinh Lu Giang and James Kirby},
doi = {10.1017/9781108886901.010},
isbn = {9781108840637},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-02-04},
pages = {249-272},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
abstract = {This study investigated the production of the four Mandarin tones by a group of school-aged Spanish learners of Chinese (n=12) and a group of native Chinese children (n=4) with a mean age of 9.5 years. The participants were recorded in a quiet room at the school premises while performing an imitation task in which they produced 32 monosyllabic words embedded in a carrier phrase. Time-normalized pitch contours were extracted at 20 consecutive points, converted to logarithmic Z-scores to normalize F0 variation across talkers and submitted to growth curve analysis to compare the surface F0 contours of the four tones. A significant difference in the F0 shapes produced by the two groups was found for all four tones, but a significant difference in F0 height was found only for Tones 2 and 3. The findings suggested that native-like production of pitch contour may be more challenging than pitch height due to their relatively more complex f0-related laryngeal muscle activities and lesser attention to the former than the latter F0 dimension among non-native tone listeners.},
type = {inbook},
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pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
This study investigated the production of the four Mandarin tones by a group of school-aged Spanish learners of Chinese (n=12) and a group of native Chinese children (n=4) with a mean age of 9.5 years. The participants were recorded in a quiet room at the school premises while performing an imitation task in which they produced 32 monosyllabic words embedded in a carrier phrase. Time-normalized pitch contours were extracted at 20 consecutive points, converted to logarithmic Z-scores to normalize F0 variation across talkers and submitted to growth curve analysis to compare the surface F0 contours of the four tones. A significant difference in the F0 shapes produced by the two groups was found for all four tones, but a significant difference in F0 height was found only for Tones 2 and 3. The findings suggested that native-like production of pitch contour may be more challenging than pitch height due to their relatively more complex f0-related laryngeal muscle activities and lesser attention to the former than the latter F0 dimension among non-native tone listeners.
2020
Giang, Dinh Lu; Tạ, Tấn T.; Brunelle, Marc; Kirby, James
Transphonologization of voicing in Chru: Studies in production and perception Journal Article
In: Laboratory Phonology, 11 (1), pp. 1-33, 2020.
@article{Giang2020,
title = {Transphonologization of voicing in Chru: Studies in production and perception},
author = {Dinh Lu Giang and Tấn T. Tạ and Marc Brunelle and James Kirby},
doi = {10.5334/labphon.278},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-10-13},
journal = {Laboratory Phonology},
volume = {11},
number = {1},
pages = {1-33},
abstract = {Chru, a Chamic language of south-central Vietnam, has been described as combining contrastive obstruent voicing with incipient registral properties (Fuller, 1977). A production study reveals that obstruent voicing has already become optional and that the voicing contrast has been transphonologized into a register contrast based primarily on vowel height (F1). An identification study shows that perception roughly matches production in that F1 is the main perceptual cue associated with the contrast. Structured variation in production suggests a sound change still in progress: While younger speakers largely rely on vowel height to produce the register contrast, older male speakers maintain a variety of secondary properties, including optional closure voicing. Our results shed light on the initial stages of register formation and challenge the claim that register languages must go through a stage in which breathiness or aspiration is the primary contrastive property (Haudricourt, 1965; Wayland & Jongman, 2002; Thurgood, 2002). This article also complements several recent studies about the transphonologization of voicing in typologically diverse languages (Svantesson & House, 2006; Howe, 2017; Coetzee, Beddor, Shedden, Styler, & Wissing, 2018).},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Chru, a Chamic language of south-central Vietnam, has been described as combining contrastive obstruent voicing with incipient registral properties (Fuller, 1977). A production study reveals that obstruent voicing has already become optional and that the voicing contrast has been transphonologized into a register contrast based primarily on vowel height (F1). An identification study shows that perception roughly matches production in that F1 is the main perceptual cue associated with the contrast. Structured variation in production suggests a sound change still in progress: While younger speakers largely rely on vowel height to produce the register contrast, older male speakers maintain a variety of secondary properties, including optional closure voicing. Our results shed light on the initial stages of register formation and challenge the claim that register languages must go through a stage in which breathiness or aspiration is the primary contrastive property (Haudricourt, 1965; Wayland & Jongman, 2002; Thurgood, 2002). This article also complements several recent studies about the transphonologization of voicing in typologically diverse languages (Svantesson & House, 2006; Howe, 2017; Coetzee, Beddor, Shedden, Styler, & Wissing, 2018).
2019
Giang, Dinh Lu; Brunelle, Marc; Tạ, Tấn T.; Kirby, James
Obstruent Devoicing and Registrogenesis In Chru Conference
2019.
@conference{Giang2019,
title = {Obstruent Devoicing and Registrogenesis In Chru},
author = {Dinh Lu Giang and Marc Brunelle and Tấn T. Tạ and James Kirby},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-01-01},
abstract = {We describe the register system of Chru, a Chamic language of Vietnam. In Chru, a historical contrast between prevoiced and voiceless stops is now a system of two registers signalled by differences in f0, voice quality, and F1 in addition to closure voicing. However, closure voicing is in a state of flux: while older men maintain closure voicing in the onsets of low-register items, younger speakers and some older women frequently have no (or only weak) closure voicing in this context. In addition, the distribution of VOT in low register onsets is bimodal, realized either with strong closure voicing or greater VOT than voiceless stops. Interestingly, f0, F1 and voice quality cues are not enhanced after devoiced low-register stops, but instead are more pronounced after stops realized with closure voicing. We argue this indicates that enhancement of cues in phonologization must in some sense be complete before neutralization takes place.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {conference}
}
We describe the register system of Chru, a Chamic language of Vietnam. In Chru, a historical contrast between prevoiced and voiceless stops is now a system of two registers signalled by differences in f0, voice quality, and F1 in addition to closure voicing. However, closure voicing is in a state of flux: while older men maintain closure voicing in the onsets of low-register items, younger speakers and some older women frequently have no (or only weak) closure voicing in this context. In addition, the distribution of VOT in low register onsets is bimodal, realized either with strong closure voicing or greater VOT than voiceless stops. Interestingly, f0, F1 and voice quality cues are not enhanced after devoiced low-register stops, but instead are more pronounced after stops realized with closure voicing. We argue this indicates that enhancement of cues in phonologization must in some sense be complete before neutralization takes place.
2017
Giang, Dinh Lu; Kirby, James
On the r>h Shift in Kiên Giang Khmer Journal Article
In: Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, 10 , pp. 66 - 85, 2017.
@article{Giang2017,
title = {On the r>h Shift in Kiên Giang Khmer},
author = {Dinh Lu Giang and James Kirby},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-12-10},
journal = {Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society},
volume = {10},
pages = {66 - 85},
abstract = {This paper presents an acoustic and perceptual study of the r>h shift in the variety of Khmer spoken in Giồng Riềng district, Kiên Giang province, Vietnam. In Phnom Penh Khmer, /r/ is realized as [h] in syllable onsets and onset clusters, and accompanied by lowered pitch, breathiness, and in some cases a change in the quality of the following vowel. In Kiên Giang Khmer, the r>h shift is accompanied by pitch lowering, but without changes in aspiration or vowel quality, and spectral measures did not indicate substantial differences in voice quality. Consistent with their productions, users of this dialect appear to rely solely on differences pitch to identify these lexical items. We discuss the implications of our findings for Khmer dialectology, mechanisms of sound change, and variation in the realization of rhotics more generally.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This paper presents an acoustic and perceptual study of the r>h shift in the variety of Khmer spoken in Giồng Riềng district, Kiên Giang province, Vietnam. In Phnom Penh Khmer, /r/ is realized as [h] in syllable onsets and onset clusters, and accompanied by lowered pitch, breathiness, and in some cases a change in the quality of the following vowel. In Kiên Giang Khmer, the r>h shift is accompanied by pitch lowering, but without changes in aspiration or vowel quality, and spectral measures did not indicate substantial differences in voice quality. Consistent with their productions, users of this dialect appear to rely solely on differences pitch to identify these lexical items. We discuss the implications of our findings for Khmer dialectology, mechanisms of sound change, and variation in the realization of rhotics more generally.