@article{Sitaridou2017,

title = {Assessing the sociolinguistic vitality of Istanbulite Romeyka: an attitudinal study},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou and Laurentia Schreiber},

doi = {10.1080/01434632.2017.1301944},

year  = {2017},

date = {2017-04-04},

journal = {Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development},

volume = {39},

number = {1},

pages = {1-16},

abstract = {We assess the sociolinguistic vitality of Romeyka, the only Asia Minor Greek variety, which, albeit endangered, is still spoken in the Black Sea region, Turkey (historically known as Pontus), by means of nine extralinguistic (i.e. sociological) and sociolinguistic factors, specially tailored for the situation of Romeyka. Our current vitality assessment addresses an Istanbulite community, although the results will be compared against a rural community in the Black Sea, namely ‘Anasta’ [Sitaridou, I. 2013. “Greek-Speaking Enclaves in Pontus Today: The Documentation and Revitalization of Romeyka.” In Keeping Languages Alive: Language Endangerment: Documentation, Pedagogy and Revitalization, edited by M. Jones and S. Ogilvie, 98–112. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press]. We used the direct approach to conduct an attitudinal survey – the first of its kind for Romeyka – which allows us to track the interrelation of vitality factors. The most relevant factors were (i) Turkish language policies and education; (ii) identity function of the language; and (iii) language competence. Furthermore, as an often-neglected factor, the language of data elicitation was shown to affect the answers of respondents. The following variables were also found pertinent: (iv) age, (v) gender, (vi) speech community; the latter is argued to constitute the most crucial factor for Romeyka’s vitality.},

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}

@article{Sitaridou2016,

title = {Recasting the typology of multiple wh-fronting: Evidence from Pontic Greek},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou and Dimitris Michelioudakis},

doi = {10.5334/gjgl.72},

year  = {2016},

date = {2016-10-14},

journal = {Glossa a Journal of General Linguistics},

volume = {1},

number = {1},

pages = {1 - 40},

abstract = {In this paper we revisit and revise the typology of multiple questions and multiple wh-fronting (MWF) in the light of data from Romeyka, a Greek variety spoken in Pontus, Turkey, and from another Pontic Greek variety spoken in northern Greece. Both varieties provide evidence for wh-fronting as focus movement, their most striking feature being the availability of single-pair interpretations in spite of strict Superiority. It turns out that the parametric system deriving the space of variation in multiple wh-fronting must be extended to accommodate the facts presented here, which seem to instantiate a further type of MWF (with a corresponding type of non-MWF languages), not predicted by the existing typology. At the same time, put in a cross-linguistic perspective, the Romeyka facts may help us uncover independent restrictions on the possibilities that this parametric system makes available. We propose that the availability of peripheral positions and their activation in the left or low periphery may be a point of parametric variation. Furthermore, still complying with Bošković’s (2007) theory of Attract-1/all, certain Focus heads can be Attract-1, thus deriving the compatibility of Superiority with single pair readings. Finally, we present some speculations about a potential correlation between word order/head directionality in the clausal domain and the kind of information structure-related head (e.g. Topic vs. Focus) that can take on an Attract-1 feature.},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Guardiano2016,

title = {A syntactic approach to Greek and Romance microvariation},

author = {Cristina Guardiano and Dimitris Michelioudakis and Andrea Ceolin and Monica Alexandrina Irimia and Giuseppe Longobardi and Nina Radkevich and Giuseppina Silvestri and Ioanna Sitaridou},

issn = {0085-2295},

year  = {2016},

date = {2016-01-01},

journal = {L' Italia Dialettale},

volume = {77},

pages = {95-116},

abstract = {This article argues for the relevance of parametric syntax in the contrastive analysis and historical classification of varieties that are closely intertwined geographically, genealogically and sociolinguistically. We show that Longobardi and Guardiano’s (2009) Parametric Comparison Method, already successfully applied to the macroclassification of a number of scattered Indo-European languages (Longobardi et al 2013), can analyze microvariation equally successfully. Just by departing from the nominal syntactic database used for the core Indo-European languages and improving on it, the nominal syntax of several contemporary Romance and Greek varieties could be revealingly analyzed. On this basis, we are able to move towards sketching a reliable picture of the history and the geocultural factors that shaped linguistic diversity in the South-Central and East Mediterranean up to the Black Sea. The analysis attempts to lay down some grounding problems, tools, and hypotheses for a novel quantitative framework in the study of syntactic dialectology.},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2015,

title = {Variation and optionality in clitic climbing in Argentinean Spanish},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou and Helen Whimpanny and Laura Ayres},

doi = {10.5565/rev/isogloss.21},

issn = {2385-4138},

year  = {2015},

date = {2015-09-01},

journal = {Isogloss A journal on variation of Romance and Iberian languages},

volume = {1},

number = {2},

pages = {247-291},

abstract = {Since Cinque’s (2006:31-32) four-way typology of languages in terms of clitic climbing (CC, herein), those in which CC displays optionality, such as Argentinean Spanish (ArgSp, herein), remain poorly understood. This paper aims to address this need. Here, we show that: (i) empirically, CC has remained a prevalent option in spoken ArgSp since its incipient stage (Davies 1995), yet at the same time we reveal significant diatopic variation in terms of optionality; (ii) theoretically, we capture this optionality partly in terms of ‘parametric hierarchies’ (Biberauer & Roberts 2012) with no considerable impact otherwise on any macro/meso-parameter in this variety. However, in order to fully explain our data, we postulate that the macro-parameter setting makes a Pool of Variants (in the spirit of Adger (2013) and Adger & Smith (2007)) available, in which there are options for CC spell out: proclisis on the matrix or enclisis on the embedded verb(s). Crucially these options do not yield interpretive effects and, therefore, the drive behind the clitic position is lexical. The probability with which one of the clitic spell out positions is selected is claimed to depend at least in part on frequency, behind which we expect a variety of sociolinguistic factors.},

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pubstate = {published},

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}

@article{Izquierdo2015,

title = {La anteposición de participio en español antiguo debida a la estructura de la información del discurso},

author = {Marta López Izquierdo and Mónica Castillo Lluch and Ioanna Sitaridou},

editor = {Marta López Izquierdo and Mónica Castillo Lluch},

year  = {2015},

date = {2015-01-01},

pages = {111-140},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2015b,

title = {Reframing the phylogeny of Asia Minor Greek: The view from Pontic Greek},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou},

year  = {2015},

date = {2015-01-01},

journal = {CHS Research Bulletin},

volume = {4},

number = {1},

abstract = {In this article we discuss some of the crucial issues pertaining to the evolution and classification of Pontic Greek. In particular, we examine the extent to which Pontic Greek participated in the koineization process. In light of the Romeyka data (still spoken in North-East Turkey in the area traditionally known as Pontus), we present our cue-based (in the sense of Lightfoot 2002) reconstruction method (see also Willis 2011), which, according to Sitaridou’s (2014a/b) study of the Romeyka infinitive, has, so far, yielded a phylogeny advocating the Hellenistic Greek roots of Pontic Greek with ‘leap-frog’ contact with other Greek varieties during the medieval period. We test this further by presenting evidence from the negation system, which seems to confirm this thesis. Finally, we compare these findings with the ones stemming from a recent computational phylogenetic study based on microparameters (Guardiano et al. in press), and the results are shown to be compatible.},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2014,

title = {Discourse-driven V-to-C in Early Modern Romanian},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou and Gabriela Alboiu and Virginia Hill},

doi = {10.1007/s11049-014-9270-8},

year  = {2014},

date = {2014-11-14},

journal = {Natural Language & Linguistic Theory},

volume = {33},

number = {4},

pages = {1 - 33},

abstract = {The Moldavian Chronicles of the 17th and 18th centuries are the first literary texts written directly in Romanian. In these Early Modern Romanian (EMR) texts, declarative clauses display an alternation between clitic > V(erb) and V(erb) > clitic orders, which reflects low verb movement (Verb-to-Tense/V-to-T) or high verb movement (Verb-to-Complementizer/V-to-C), respectively. The analysis concentrates on V-to-C, and demonstrates that, within a cartographic approach to the left periphery of the clause, V-to-C is actually V-to-Focus. Hence, the paper argues for discourse-driven (versus structure-preserving/formal) verb movement to C in EMR, and thus contributes to current studies that view V-to-C in Old Romance as an epiphenomenon of the information packaging at the left periphery of clauses.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2014c,

title = {Modality, antiveridicality and complementation: The Romeyka infinitive as a negative polarity item},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou},

doi = {10.1016/j.lingua.2014.05.017},

issn = {0024-3841},

year  = {2014},

date = {2014-09-01},

journal = {Lingua},

volume = {148},

number = {1},

pages = {118-146},

abstract = {In this paper I examine the syntax–semantics of the Romeyka infinitive, still to be found in an endangered Greek variety uninterruptedly spoken in the historical region of Pontus, Turkey. It is shown that the infinitive is found: (a) as a complement to negated past tense modals; (b) in before-clauses; (c) in counterfactuals. My proposal is that the Romeyka infinitive is licensed as a NPI. It is argued that antiveridicalidity (in the sense of Giannakidou, 1998 et seq.) licenses the infinitive and therefore explains the unavailability of the Romeyka infinitive in other nonveridical contexts such as: (i) questions, (ii) nonveridical conditionals, (iii) present and imperfect tense negated modals. The analysis set out here (i) proposes a new type of NPI, namely an infinitive; (ii) reinforces the disengagement between morphological negation and antiveridicality; (iii) highlights parallels with Romance polarity subjunctives, which, like the infinitive, also share a T-C dependency; the latter may have rendered the Romeyka infinitive diachronically more prone to developing a neg-dependency too (Sitaridou, 2014).},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2014b,

title = {The Romeyka infinitive: Continuity, contact and change in the Hellenic varieties of Pontus},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou},

doi = {10.1075/dia.31.1.02sit},

year  = {2014},

date = {2014-07-01},

volume = {31},

number = {1},

pages = {23 - 73},

abstract = {One Pontic Greek variety, Romeyka of Of, Turkey, today preserves a robust infinitive usage. Comparing the current infinitival distribution in Romeyka with previous stages of Greek, I argue that: (a) the Romeyka infinitive has roots in Ancient Greek due to preservation of the construction prin “before” with infinitive, which remains extremely productive, but which did not survive in other varieties into early medieval times and is only found as a learned construction in ‘high’ registers of the Medieval Greek record; (b) neither the survival of the plain and personal infinitive, nor the emergence of the inflected one can be due to contact with Turkish; (c) the Romeyka infinitive, part of a conservative medieval variety with Hellenistic features, once cut off from other medieval varieties (as early as the 11th c. ce and as late as the 16th c. ce), was reanalyzed as a negative polarity item. Such reanalysis feeds into the discussion that NPIs belong to various syntactic categories, such as nominal NPIs, NPI adverbs, NPI verbs, NPI focus particles, minimizers and now an infinitive, too.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2014d,

title = {Contrastivity in Pontic Greek},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou and Maria Kaltsa},

doi = {10.1016/j.lingua.2014.04.005},

isbn = {0024-3841},

year  = {2014},

date = {2014-07-01},

journal = {Lingua},

volume = {146},

number = {1},

pages = {1-27},

abstract = {Efforts to impose linguistic uniformity have resulted in significant loss of dialectal variation in Greece thus rendering Greek dialectal syntax difficult to study. The present article aims to shed light on an understudied area of Greek dialectal syntax, namely the organization of information structure in Pontic Greek. Through empirical work, it is argued that [contrast] is an autonomous structural notion (in line with 0495 and 0265) in Pontic Greek rather than a sub-feature of Focus, as traditionally held for Standard Modern Greek. In particular, is claimed that Pontic Greek (i) employs a rich particle system to express contrast; (b) CLLD does not have the same pragmatic import as in Standard Modern Greek, and; (c) “pa”-phrases are almost exclusively associated with a non-exhaustive reading, whereas focus movement is always associated with an exhaustive one; (d) information focus is obligatorily in the left periphery. On the basis of our findings we argue that there is evidence in favour of a Contrast projection in the CP domain.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2014e,

title = {Contrastivity and information structure in the old Ibero-Romance languages},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou and Kristine Eide},

doi = {10.1075/la.213.14eid},

year  = {2014},

date = {2014-05-07},

pages = {377 – 412},

abstract = {In this article, we discuss how contrastivity can be identified in historical texts where we have no direct access to prosodic features such as stress and intonation. We depart from our knowledge of contrastivity in the modern languages and their exponence in Modern Spanish and Portuguese, where both word order and prosody play a role in expressing contrast, and compare the analysis of the modern languages to our data of Old Spanish and Old Portuguese. Our findings indicate that very little has changed with regard to the expression of contrastivity through word order. Therefore, any word order changes should be attributed to other changes in syntax and information structure, in particular changes along the given-new axis, such as the loss of preverbal information focus in Old Spanish, the loss of IP scrambling in Portuguese and the fact that, unlike today, the SV order was linked to the topicality of the subject.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2013b,

title = {A comparative study of word order in Old Romance},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou},

doi = {10.1515/flin.2012.019},

issn = {0165–4004},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-10-13},

journal = {Folia Linguistica},

volume = {46},

number = {2},

pages = {553–604},

abstract = {The main objective of this article is to discuss word-order phenomena in Old French, Old Spanish, Old Portuguese, and Old Occitan from a comparative perspective. In particular, the following are examined: (i) the empirical evidence in order to assess the theoretical arguments for and against a verbsecond analysis of the Old Romance languages; (ii) verb movement in Old Romance; and (iii) whether the changes in the word-order patterns in the history of the Romance languages can be captured as yet another instance of grammaticalisation. By means of a uniform methodology and statistical analysis of novel data, it is claimed that: (a) Old Romance does not possess a Germanic V2; (b) there is variation in terms of word order among Old Romance languages, which is shown to be linked to the individual history of the languages; (c) V2 order is mostly an epiphenomenon of the discourse mechanisms and the nature of the left functional field in these languages.},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2013,

title = {Coping With Stigmatized Linguistic Identities: Identity and Ethnolinguistic Vitality Among Andalusians},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou and Rusi Jaspal},

doi = {10.1080/15283488.2012.747439},

issn = {1528-3488},

year  = {2013},

date = {2013-05-06},

journal = {Identity},

volume = {13},

number = {2},

pages = {95-119},

abstract = {This study was an investigation of the impact of language stigma for identity functioning among speakers of Andalusian Spanish. Fifteen Andalusian Spa- niards were interviewed using a semistructured interview schedule. Qualitative thematic analysis was used to analyze the data guided by identity process theory and the ethnolinguistic vitality framework. The following themes are outlined: (a) threatened linguistic identity and vitality (re)constructions; (b) relocating the sociopsychological value in one’s linguistic variety; and (c) mul- tiple linguistic identities: threat and management. This article elucidates how perceived threats to ethnolinguistic vitality can induce identity threat. Weak social status may jeopardize self-esteem, while weak institutional support may threaten self-efficacy. The belonging principle may be vulnerable to threat in contexts in which the stigmatized group has minority status. Relevant socio- linguistic concepts are discussed in relation to the intrapsychic level of identity functioning. Potential strategies for coping are discussed.},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2011,

title = {Word order and information structure in Old Spanish},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou},

doi = {10.5565/rev/catjl.36},

issn = {1695-6885},

year  = {2011},

date = {2011-12-01},

journal = {Catalan Journal of Linguistics},

volume = {10},

number = {1},

pages = {159-184 & 248-249},

abstract = {In this article it is claimed that in Old Spanish the discourse-sensitive field is exclusively the preverbal one. Focusing on object preposing, it is shown that the object can: (i) either be linked to a topic reading (England 1980, 1983; Danford 2002); or (ii) an information focus reading (cf. Cruschina and Sitaridou 2011) -the latter only available as the rightmost element in Modern Spanish (cf. Zubizarreta 1998, inter alios); or (iii) a contrastive focus reading; or (iv) verum focus reading (cf. Leonetti & Escandell-Vidal 2009). Given all these different discourse readings which are linearized as verb second syntax, the testing hypothesis is that the verb second orders are an epiphenomenon of the organisation of information structure (cf. Wanner 1989; Bossong 2003; Sitaridou 2006, 2011 pace Fontana 1993; Cho 1997; Danford 2002; Fernández Ordóñez 2009; Molina 2010) rather than structural as in the Germanic languages.},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2009,

title = {On the Emergence of Personal Infinitives in the History of Spanish},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou},

doi = {10.1075/dia.26.1.02sit},

issn = {0176-4225},

year  = {2009},

date = {2009-04-09},

journal = {Diachronica},

volume = {26},

number = {1},

pages = {36-64},

abstract = {The aim of this article is twofold: (a) To evaluate the learned source for the rise of personal infinitives in the history of Spanish, and (b) to address the issue of the origin of personal infinitives from the perspective of language acquisition. It is argued, by means of novel empirical evidence derived from the Corpus del Español , that the Latin Accusativus cum Infinitivo source is responsible for the personal infinitive in complement position in Old Castilian (in line with Pountain 1998). However, this learned source is not the source of the Modern Spanish personal infinitive in adjunct position. For the latter, an acquisitional scenario is put forward whereby changes in the primary linguistic data (cf. Lightfoot 1999) made adjunct personal infinitives possible.},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Roberts2008b,

title = {On complex predicates in Brazilian Portuguese},

author = {Ian Roberts and Theresa Biberauer and Jairo Nunes and Guido Mensching and Ioanna Sitaridou and Sten Vikner and Anders Holmberg and João Costa and Luigi Rizzi and Michelle Sheehan and Pascual Masullo and Gabriela Ardisson Matos and Anabela Gonçalves and Ana Maria and Aroldo Martins and Anne Andrade and Breitbarth and Sonia Maria Lazzarini Cyrino},

isbn = {1989-8525},

year  = {2008},

date = {2008-03-01},

urldate = {2008-03-01},

journal = {International Journal of Theoretical Linguistics},

volume = {2.2},

abstract = {I analyze Romance syntactic complex predicates (faire-infinitive causatives, periphrastic tenses and restructuring), and propose the unification of these phenomena usually thought to stem from different structures by showing that one single analysis is possible: the non-finite verb phrase moves to the specifier of the upper V. This movement enables the verbs to be close enough to each other, and it allows for a configuration where clitics can climb and long object movement can occur. Crucial for this movement is either the presence of a defective C-T or its total absence. I account for the lack of Romance syntactic complex predicates in Brazilian Portuguese as well as for other phenomena in the language. Resumen: Analizo predicados sintácticos complejos (estructuras causativas con infinitivo, tiempos perifrásticos y reestructuración) y propongo la unificación de estos fenómenos, que normalmente se asume que derivan de estructuras diferentes, demostrando que un único análisis sintáctico es posible: el sintagma verbal no finito se mueve al especificador del V superior. Este movimiento permite que los verbos estén lo suficientemente cerca el uno del otro para permitir una configuración en la que los clíticos pueden subir y se puede producir el movimiento de objeto a larga distancia. Para este movimiento es crucial tanto la presencia de un C-T defectivo como su ausencia total. Doy cuenta de la ausencia de predicados complejos sintácticos románicos en portugués brasileño además de otros fenómenos de esta lengua.. I also thank two anonymous reviewers for comments and suggestions. The remaining errors are my own.

},

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pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}

@article{Sitaridou2007b,

title = {Infinitives with subjects in Greek and southern Italian dialects: A Sprachbund effect},

author = {Ioanna Sitaridou},

editor = {D. Bentley and A. Ledgeway},

year  = {2007},

date = {2007-01-01},

journal = {On the Italo-Romance dialects. Essays in honor of Nigel B. Vincent},

pages = {220-241},

keywords = {},

pubstate = {published},

tppubtype = {article}

}