Christine Jourdan
2021
Jourdan, Christine; Angeli, Johanne
The development of weak normativity in Solomon Islands Pijin Journal Article
In: Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages, vol. 36, no. 1, pp. 46-76, 2021.
@article{Jourdan2021,
title = {The development of weak normativity in Solomon Islands Pijin},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Johanne Angeli},
doi = {10.1075/jpcl.00069.jou},
year = {2021},
date = {2021-03-15},
journal = {Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages},
volume = {36},
number = {1},
pages = {46-76},
abstract = {Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, has acquired the functions of a creole in the capital city of Honiara. Yet, though Pijin is the common language of the urban culture of Honiara, it lacks linguistic legitimacy. Speakers of Pijin did not, until recently, consider it a true language in the same way that English and local vernaculars, with which it co-exists, are deemed to be. Specters of inauthenticity and illegitimacy were part of that assessment. In this paper, we consider that the nascent legitimacy ascribed to Pijin by some urban speakers is informed by the affirmation of their own legitimacy as a new socio-cultural group, that of the Pijin-speaking urbanite. This contributes to the complexification of the sociolinguistic scene. We show that while different ways of speaking Pijin are progressively becoming associated with various sociolinguistic groups and seem to constitute emergent social varieties, the question of a Pijin norm is also emerging.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, has acquired the functions of a creole in the capital city of Honiara. Yet, though Pijin is the common language of the urban culture of Honiara, it lacks linguistic legitimacy. Speakers of Pijin did not, until recently, consider it a true language in the same way that English and local vernaculars, with which it co-exists, are deemed to be. Specters of inauthenticity and illegitimacy were part of that assessment. In this paper, we consider that the nascent legitimacy ascribed to Pijin by some urban speakers is informed by the affirmation of their own legitimacy as a new socio-cultural group, that of the Pijin-speaking urbanite. This contributes to the complexification of the sociolinguistic scene. We show that while different ways of speaking Pijin are progressively becoming associated with various sociolinguistic groups and seem to constitute emergent social varieties, the question of a Pijin norm is also emerging.
2020
Jourdan, Christine; Labbe, Fabienne
Urban Women and the Transformations of Braedpraes 1 in Honiara 2 Journal Article
In: Oceania, vol. 90, no. 3, pp. 253-272, 2020.
@article{Jourdan2020,
title = {Urban Women and the Transformations of Braedpraes 1 in Honiara 2},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Fabienne Labbe},
doi = {10.1002/ocea.5279},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-11-01},
journal = {Oceania},
volume = {90},
number = {3},
pages = {253-272},
abstract = {In the capital city of the Solomon Islands, brideprice is often given to formalize the marriage of young couples from the island of Malaita. For the young wife, brideprice is a reminder that she is expected to work and produce children for the lineage of her husband, an obligation that is at times strongly impressed upon her by her in‐laws. Data gathered in Honiara over the last 15 years, most recently in 2015–2016, show the emergence of a variety of patterns among Malaitan women living in Honiara regarding their productive and reproductive autonomy, and their role in brideprice. Beyond their diversity, what these data reveal, we argue, is that the interstitial cultural spaces created by the urbanization of social and economic relations afford young urban women the possibility of engaging with brideprice in a way that had not been possible until then. We demonstrate that, as members of an emerging new middle‐class, these women seek (either in agreement with their husbands, or in spite of them) to transform the meaning of brideprice: while showing respect to their in‐laws and to tradition, their goal is to gain greater control over their lives within the confines of brideprice sociality.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In the capital city of the Solomon Islands, brideprice is often given to formalize the marriage of young couples from the island of Malaita. For the young wife, brideprice is a reminder that she is expected to work and produce children for the lineage of her husband, an obligation that is at times strongly impressed upon her by her in‐laws. Data gathered in Honiara over the last 15 years, most recently in 2015–2016, show the emergence of a variety of patterns among Malaitan women living in Honiara regarding their productive and reproductive autonomy, and their role in brideprice. Beyond their diversity, what these data reveal, we argue, is that the interstitial cultural spaces created by the urbanization of social and economic relations afford young urban women the possibility of engaging with brideprice in a way that had not been possible until then. We demonstrate that, as members of an emerging new middle‐class, these women seek (either in agreement with their husbands, or in spite of them) to transform the meaning of brideprice: while showing respect to their in‐laws and to tradition, their goal is to gain greater control over their lives within the confines of brideprice sociality.
Jourdan, Christine; Angeli, Johanne
The development of weak normativity in Solomon Islands Pijin Miscellaneous
Cultural legitimacy of Solomon Islands Pijin, 2020.
@misc{Jourdan2020b,
title = {The development of weak normativity in Solomon Islands Pijin},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Johanne Angeli},
doi = {10.1075/jpcl.00069.jou},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-04-01},
abstract = {Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, has acquired the functions of a creole in the capital city of Honiara. Yet, though Pijin is the common language of the urban culture of Honiara, it lacks linguistic legitimacy. Speakers of Pijin did not, until recently, consider it a true language in the same way that English and local vernaculars, with which it co-exists, are deemed to be. Specters of inauthenticity and illegitimacy were part of that assessment. In this paper, we consider that the nascent legitimacy ascribed to Pijin by some urban speakers is informed by the affirmation of their own legitimacy as a new socio-cultural group, that of the Pijin-speaking urbanite. This contributes to the complexification of the sociolinguistic scene. We show that while different ways of speaking Pijin are progressively becoming associated with various sociolinguistic groups and seem to constitute emergent social varieties, the question of a Pijin norm is also emerging.},
howpublished = {Cultural legitimacy of Solomon Islands Pijin},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {misc}
}
Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, has acquired the functions of a creole in the capital city of Honiara. Yet, though Pijin is the common language of the urban culture of Honiara, it lacks linguistic legitimacy. Speakers of Pijin did not, until recently, consider it a true language in the same way that English and local vernaculars, with which it co-exists, are deemed to be. Specters of inauthenticity and illegitimacy were part of that assessment. In this paper, we consider that the nascent legitimacy ascribed to Pijin by some urban speakers is informed by the affirmation of their own legitimacy as a new socio-cultural group, that of the Pijin-speaking urbanite. This contributes to the complexification of the sociolinguistic scene. We show that while different ways of speaking Pijin are progressively becoming associated with various sociolinguistic groups and seem to constitute emergent social varieties, the question of a Pijin norm is also emerging.
Jourdan, Christine
Restituting Language: Ethics, Ideology and The Making of A Dictionary 1 Miscellaneous
Cultural legitimacy of Solomon Islands Pijin, 2020.
@misc{Jourdan2020bb,
title = {Restituting Language: Ethics, Ideology and The Making of A Dictionary 1},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.4000/jso.11791},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-03-11},
abstract = {I this article, I propose to consider the ethical dimension of the return of data to the research field site, here the Solomon Islands by focusing on the writing the Pijin Dictionary I published in 2002. I start by discussing the disconnect between the linguistic data we gather and the transformation these data undergo before linguists and anthropologists typically return them. I then focus on the making of the dictionary showing how the techniques of dictionary making and linguistic ideology of research participants and collaborators interact with my own to create a product far removed from the original data. I am questioning the ethics of such a transformation. Finally, I explain that though the dictionary is now 20 years, it is not used by Solomon Islanders who are not taught to read and write in Pijin but in English (the official language of the country). Rather, young Solomon Islanders using social media, are developing their own spelling for the language, neither that of Pijin nor that of English.},
howpublished = {Cultural legitimacy of Solomon Islands Pijin},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {misc}
}
I this article, I propose to consider the ethical dimension of the return of data to the research field site, here the Solomon Islands by focusing on the writing the Pijin Dictionary I published in 2002. I start by discussing the disconnect between the linguistic data we gather and the transformation these data undergo before linguists and anthropologists typically return them. I then focus on the making of the dictionary showing how the techniques of dictionary making and linguistic ideology of research participants and collaborators interact with my own to create a product far removed from the original data. I am questioning the ethics of such a transformation. Finally, I explain that though the dictionary is now 20 years, it is not used by Solomon Islanders who are not taught to read and write in Pijin but in English (the official language of the country). Rather, young Solomon Islanders using social media, are developing their own spelling for the language, neither that of Pijin nor that of English.
Jourdan, Christine; Labbe, Fabienne
Urban Women and the Transformations of Bradpreas in Honiara Journal Article
In: 2020.
@article{Jourdan2020bb,
title = {Urban Women and the Transformations of Bradpreas in Honiara},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Fabienne Labbe},
year = {2020},
date = {2020-01-01},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
2019
Jourdan, Christine
Masta Liu: youth and unemployment in Honiara, Solomon Islands Book Chapter
In: pp. 202-222, Routledge, 2019.
@inbook{Jourdan2019,
title = {Masta Liu: youth and unemployment in Honiara, Solomon Islands},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-04-02},
pages = {202-222},
publisher = {Routledge},
type = {inbook},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
Jourdan, Christine
Solidarity, agonism and entre-soi in the village meals of the Causse du Quercy SEMIOTIC REVIEW Journal Article
In: 2019.
@article{Jourdan2019b,
title = {Solidarity, agonism and entre-soi in the village meals of the Causse du Quercy SEMIOTIC REVIEW},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
year = {2019},
date = {2019-04-02},
abstract = {In the area of South West France known as Quercy, summer is epitomized by a succession of feasts in many of the villages: they last about 3 days and always culminate in a communal meal on the Monday night. Social actors and commentators claim that these feasts and the communal meals are festive affairs : indeed they are, but underlying tensions are particularly obvious during the preparation and consumption of the communal meals where features associated with community building coexist with mild rivalries, agonism and a desire for entre-soi (French noun: literally, a situation where one keeps company with people who are socially and culturally similar to oneself). Keeping this in mind, and using data gathered over the last 30 years in the Quercy, I am discussing the central role played by the communal meal in community building, but also in the reinforcement of agonism between villagers and villages. I am paying special attention to the semiotics of the food eaten during these meals, sustained as it is by metagastronomic discourses that complement the meaning of these meals.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In the area of South West France known as Quercy, summer is epitomized by a succession of feasts in many of the villages: they last about 3 days and always culminate in a communal meal on the Monday night. Social actors and commentators claim that these feasts and the communal meals are festive affairs : indeed they are, but underlying tensions are particularly obvious during the preparation and consumption of the communal meals where features associated with community building coexist with mild rivalries, agonism and a desire for entre-soi (French noun: literally, a situation where one keeps company with people who are socially and culturally similar to oneself). Keeping this in mind, and using data gathered over the last 30 years in the Quercy, I am discussing the central role played by the communal meal in community building, but also in the reinforcement of agonism between villagers and villages. I am paying special attention to the semiotics of the food eaten during these meals, sustained as it is by metagastronomic discourses that complement the meaning of these meals.
2017
Jourdan, Christine; Lindstrom, Lamont
Urban melanesia Journal Article
In: Journal de la Societe des Oceanistes, vol. 144, no. 1-2, pp. 5 - 22, 2017.
@article{Jourdan2017,
title = {Urban melanesia},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Lamont Lindstrom},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-12-22},
journal = {Journal de la Societe des Oceanistes},
volume = {144},
number = {1-2},
pages = {5 - 22},
abstract = {In the 1970s, ethnographers Hal and Marlene Levine
“rarely heard Papua New Guineans say a kind word about their towns. They complained of how expensive it was to live in the towns, and of the violence there, and of the danger and difficulties involved in living amid so many strangers” (Levine and Levine, 1979: 1).
A decade earlier, a Port Moresby resident likewise described his town as “a rubbish place, there’s always trouble and too much drinking and fighting” (Rew, 1974: v). Now fifty years later, Melanesians continue to complain about urban living even though, during these years, Melanesian cities have transformed from colonial towns into national centers. Urban grievances from Vanuatu are typical. Soarum, who has lived many years in Port Vila since leaving Tanna, his home island, characteristically disparages life in town:
“Vila, if you don’t work you don’t eat. If you don’t eat, and live with nothing, this isn’t good. You have no energy, no power... When people leave their homes, and come to town, they adopt an urban lifestyle, a mixed culture. This causes big changes, and problems grow: They smoke marijuana, they steal, they are corrupted by movies. All this makes big trouble. They lose their own culture.”
Soarum’s urban worries about money, crime, marijuana (and wayward youth), and loss of culture are shared by many. These have been enduring concerns ever since Melanesians began moving into towns.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In the 1970s, ethnographers Hal and Marlene Levine
“rarely heard Papua New Guineans say a kind word about their towns. They complained of how expensive it was to live in the towns, and of the violence there, and of the danger and difficulties involved in living amid so many strangers” (Levine and Levine, 1979: 1).
A decade earlier, a Port Moresby resident likewise described his town as “a rubbish place, there’s always trouble and too much drinking and fighting” (Rew, 1974: v). Now fifty years later, Melanesians continue to complain about urban living even though, during these years, Melanesian cities have transformed from colonial towns into national centers. Urban grievances from Vanuatu are typical. Soarum, who has lived many years in Port Vila since leaving Tanna, his home island, characteristically disparages life in town:
“Vila, if you don’t work you don’t eat. If you don’t eat, and live with nothing, this isn’t good. You have no energy, no power... When people leave their homes, and come to town, they adopt an urban lifestyle, a mixed culture. This causes big changes, and problems grow: They smoke marijuana, they steal, they are corrupted by movies. All this makes big trouble. They lose their own culture.”
Soarum’s urban worries about money, crime, marijuana (and wayward youth), and loss of culture are shared by many. These have been enduring concerns ever since Melanesians began moving into towns.
“rarely heard Papua New Guineans say a kind word about their towns. They complained of how expensive it was to live in the towns, and of the violence there, and of the danger and difficulties involved in living amid so many strangers” (Levine and Levine, 1979: 1).
A decade earlier, a Port Moresby resident likewise described his town as “a rubbish place, there’s always trouble and too much drinking and fighting” (Rew, 1974: v). Now fifty years later, Melanesians continue to complain about urban living even though, during these years, Melanesian cities have transformed from colonial towns into national centers. Urban grievances from Vanuatu are typical. Soarum, who has lived many years in Port Vila since leaving Tanna, his home island, characteristically disparages life in town:
“Vila, if you don’t work you don’t eat. If you don’t eat, and live with nothing, this isn’t good. You have no energy, no power... When people leave their homes, and come to town, they adopt an urban lifestyle, a mixed culture. This causes big changes, and problems grow: They smoke marijuana, they steal, they are corrupted by movies. All this makes big trouble. They lose their own culture.”
Soarum’s urban worries about money, crime, marijuana (and wayward youth), and loss of culture are shared by many. These have been enduring concerns ever since Melanesians began moving into towns.
Jourdan, Christine
Haosgel: Kinship, class and urban transformations Journal Article
In: Journal de la Société des océanistes, vol. 144, no. 144-145, pp. 131-146, 2017.
@article{Jourdan2017b,
title = {Haosgel: Kinship, class and urban transformations},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.4000/jso.7905},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-12-15},
journal = {Journal de la Société des océanistes},
volume = {144},
number = {144-145},
pages = {131-146},
abstract = {In Honiara, Solomon Islands, middle-class households routinely include young unmarried girls who hail from the villages to work as domestic help (haosgel in Solomon Islands Pijin) for their kin. Using data gathered in Honiara over the last 15 years, and more recently in 2015, the paper explores what is it to be a young haosgel in Honiara today while focusing on a set of issues that are central to the life of these young women: the power and transformation of kinship; the relationship between urban life and domesticity, and the link between agency, gender and resistance. Arguing that the presence of house girls contributes to the establishment of the middle-class, I seek to understand how these young women engage a complex situation in which their urban relatives, usually wealthier than their own parents, act out kinship while playing boss.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In Honiara, Solomon Islands, middle-class households routinely include young unmarried girls who hail from the villages to work as domestic help (haosgel in Solomon Islands Pijin) for their kin. Using data gathered in Honiara over the last 15 years, and more recently in 2015, the paper explores what is it to be a young haosgel in Honiara today while focusing on a set of issues that are central to the life of these young women: the power and transformation of kinship; the relationship between urban life and domesticity, and the link between agency, gender and resistance. Arguing that the presence of house girls contributes to the establishment of the middle-class, I seek to understand how these young women engage a complex situation in which their urban relatives, usually wealthier than their own parents, act out kinship while playing boss.
Jourdan, Christine
Haosgel : Parenté, classes sociales et transformations urbaines à Honiara, îles Salomon Journal Article
In: Journal de la Société des océanistes, pp. 131 - 146, 2017.
@article{Jourdan2017bb,
title = {Haosgel : Parenté, classes sociales et transformations urbaines à Honiara, îles Salomon},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.4000/jso.7787},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-12-15},
journal = {Journal de la Société des océanistes},
pages = {131 - 146},
abstract = {In Honiara, Solomon Islands, middle-class households routinely include young unmarried girls who hail from the villages to work as domestic help (haosgel in Solomon Islands Pijin) for their kin. Using data gathered in Honiara over the last 15 years, and more recently in 2015, the paper explores what is it to be a young haosgel in Honiara today while focusing on a set of issues that are central to the life of these young women: the power and transformation of kinship; the relationship between urban life and domesticity, and the link between agency, gender and resistance. Arguing that the presence of house girls contributes to the establishment of the middle-class, I seek to understand how these young women engage a complex situation in which their urban relatives, usually wealthier than their own parents, act out kinship while playing boss.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In Honiara, Solomon Islands, middle-class households routinely include young unmarried girls who hail from the villages to work as domestic help (haosgel in Solomon Islands Pijin) for their kin. Using data gathered in Honiara over the last 15 years, and more recently in 2015, the paper explores what is it to be a young haosgel in Honiara today while focusing on a set of issues that are central to the life of these young women: the power and transformation of kinship; the relationship between urban life and domesticity, and the link between agency, gender and resistance. Arguing that the presence of house girls contributes to the establishment of the middle-class, I seek to understand how these young women engage a complex situation in which their urban relatives, usually wealthier than their own parents, act out kinship while playing boss.
Jourdan, Christine; Lindstrom, Lamont
Urbanization in MelanesiaUrban Melanesia Journal Article
In: Journal of the Society of Oceanists, pp. 5-22, 2017.
@article{Jourdan2017bb,
title = {Urbanization in MelanesiaUrban Melanesia},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Lamont Lindstrom},
doi = {10.4000/jso.7673},
year = {2017},
date = {2017-12-15},
urldate = {2017-12-15},
journal = {Journal of the Society of Oceanists},
pages = {5-22},
abstract = {Several articles in this folder (Jourdan Kraemer, Lindstrom, McDougall Rio) were presented during the session on urban Melanesia organized by C. Jourdan L. Lindstrom at the 10 th Congress of the European Society of Oceanists ( Esfo) held in Brussels in 2015. We thank Jenny Bryant-Tokalau, Willem Church, Annelin Eriksen, Tate LeFevre, Timothy Sharp and Chelsea Wentworth who also participated in this session. The other contributors responded to the call for papers published by the journal and we thank them. We thank the editor and staff of the journal for their attentive and generous help in preparing this large volume. We also thank the reviewers retained by the journal for the suggestions for improvements made to the introduction and to the articles in this volume.
Thanks also to the translators of the articles from English to French for the published version of this dossier (see Jourdan, Kraemer, Lindstrom, Lindstrom and Jourdan, Rio, Stern). For online publication, both versions of each article will be available.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Several articles in this folder (Jourdan Kraemer, Lindstrom, McDougall Rio) were presented during the session on urban Melanesia organized by C. Jourdan L. Lindstrom at the 10 th Congress of the European Society of Oceanists ( Esfo) held in Brussels in 2015. We thank Jenny Bryant-Tokalau, Willem Church, Annelin Eriksen, Tate LeFevre, Timothy Sharp and Chelsea Wentworth who also participated in this session. The other contributors responded to the call for papers published by the journal and we thank them. We thank the editor and staff of the journal for their attentive and generous help in preparing this large volume. We also thank the reviewers retained by the journal for the suggestions for improvements made to the introduction and to the articles in this volume.
Thanks also to the translators of the articles from English to French for the published version of this dossier (see Jourdan, Kraemer, Lindstrom, Lindstrom and Jourdan, Rio, Stern). For online publication, both versions of each article will be available.
Thanks also to the translators of the articles from English to French for the published version of this dossier (see Jourdan, Kraemer, Lindstrom, Lindstrom and Jourdan, Rio, Stern). For online publication, both versions of each article will be available.
2015
Jourdan, Christine
The invention of ice cider Journal Article
In: Liberte, pp. 26-28, 2015.
@article{Jourdan2015,
title = {The invention of ice cider},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
year = {2015},
date = {2015-06-01},
journal = {Liberte},
pages = {26-28},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
2014
Jourdan, Christine; Angeli, Johanne
Pijin and shifting language ideologies in urban Solomon Islands Journal Article
In: Language in Society, vol. 43, no. 3, pp. 265-285, 2014.
@article{Jourdan2014,
title = {Pijin and shifting language ideologies in urban Solomon Islands},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Johanne Angeli},
doi = {10.1017/S0047404514000190},
year = {2014},
date = {2014-06-01},
journal = {Language in Society},
volume = {43},
number = {3},
pages = {265-285},
abstract = {Through the analysis of the various language ideologies that have shaped the sociolinguistic history of Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, this article attempts to shed light on the peculiar complexity of the postcolonial linguistic situations where more prestigious and less prestigious languages coexist in the same sociological niche. These ideologies are: reciprocal multilingualism, hierarchical multilingualism, linguistic pragmatism, and linguistic nationalism. Specifically, the article focuses on the development and coalescence of linguistic ideologies that lead Pijin speakers to shift perceptions of Pijin—in a context of urban identity construction that acts as a force of its own. In the case of Pijin, linguistic legitimacy seems to be lagging behind social legitimacy. We show that the development of new ideologies can lead to the re-evaluation of the meaning of symbolic domination of one language (in this case English) over another one (Pijin), without necessarily challenging this symbolic domination. (Language ideology, youth, urbanization, pidgins and creoles, Solomon Islands)},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Through the analysis of the various language ideologies that have shaped the sociolinguistic history of Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, this article attempts to shed light on the peculiar complexity of the postcolonial linguistic situations where more prestigious and less prestigious languages coexist in the same sociological niche. These ideologies are: reciprocal multilingualism, hierarchical multilingualism, linguistic pragmatism, and linguistic nationalism. Specifically, the article focuses on the development and coalescence of linguistic ideologies that lead Pijin speakers to shift perceptions of Pijin—in a context of urban identity construction that acts as a force of its own. In the case of Pijin, linguistic legitimacy seems to be lagging behind social legitimacy. We show that the development of new ideologies can lead to the re-evaluation of the meaning of symbolic domination of one language (in this case English) over another one (Pijin), without necessarily challenging this symbolic domination. (Language ideology, youth, urbanization, pidgins and creoles, Solomon Islands)
Cavanaugh, Jillian R.; Riley, Kathleen C.; Jaffe, Alexandra; Jourdan, Christine; Karrebæk, Martha; Paugh, Amy L.
What Words Bring to the Table: The Linguistic Anthropological Toolkit as Applied to the Study of Food Journal Article
In: Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 84-97, 2014.
@article{Cavanaugh2014,
title = {What Words Bring to the Table: The Linguistic Anthropological Toolkit as Applied to the Study of Food},
author = {Jillian R. Cavanaugh and Kathleen C. Riley and Alexandra Jaffe and Christine Jourdan and Martha Karrebæk and Amy L. Paugh},
doi = {10.1111/jola.12038},
year = {2014},
date = {2014-05-01},
journal = {Journal of Linguistic Anthropology},
volume = {24},
number = {1},
pages = {84-97},
abstract = {This article offers an introduction to the methods being developed by scholars interested in studying food and language as interrelated phenomena. First, we explore a few of the intriguing parallels that have inspired a number of researchers to study food and language simultaneously. Then, we look at how the study of language led each of us to the study of food and consider if and how the methods we have used for this new enterprise differ from linguistic anthropological methods used to study other cultural material. Finally, we expand upon the specific methods we have developed for studying how foodways and language use are intertwined. In passing, we note some of the new research terrains and theoretical questions that may be explored by interweaving food-and-language methodologies in these ways. This multiauthored article, which emerged from a roundtable at the 2013 American Anthropological Association Annual meeting on the same topic, has a dialogic structure that reflects the ongoing conversation in which we are engaged while also manifesting the unfinished nature of the project.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article offers an introduction to the methods being developed by scholars interested in studying food and language as interrelated phenomena. First, we explore a few of the intriguing parallels that have inspired a number of researchers to study food and language simultaneously. Then, we look at how the study of language led each of us to the study of food and consider if and how the methods we have used for this new enterprise differ from linguistic anthropological methods used to study other cultural material. Finally, we expand upon the specific methods we have developed for studying how foodways and language use are intertwined. In passing, we note some of the new research terrains and theoretical questions that may be explored by interweaving food-and-language methodologies in these ways. This multiauthored article, which emerged from a roundtable at the 2013 American Anthropological Association Annual meeting on the same topic, has a dialogic structure that reflects the ongoing conversation in which we are engaged while also manifesting the unfinished nature of the project.
2013
Jourdan, Christine
Le storie di vita di Resina Journal Article
In: Antropologia, vol. 9, 2013.
@article{Jourdan2013,
title = {Le storie di vita di Resina},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.14672/ada2012177%25p},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-10-01},
urldate = {2013-10-01},
journal = {Antropologia},
volume = {9},
abstract = {Le storie di vita sono storie vere e proprie, esattamente come questo saggio, che racconta come si è sviluppata nel tempo la registrazione di una storia di vita che poi è andata ad intrecciarsi gradualmente all’amicizia tra un informatore privilegiato e il suo etnografo. Le storie di vita, però, non sono delle semplici narrazioni.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Le storie di vita sono storie vere e proprie, esattamente come questo saggio, che racconta come si è sviluppata nel tempo la registrazione di una storia di vita che poi è andata ad intrecciarsi gradualmente all’amicizia tra un informatore privilegiato e il suo etnografo. Le storie di vita, però, non sono delle semplici narrazioni.
Jourdan, Christine; Hobbis, Stephanie
Tensions internationales autour d’un concombre tueur Journal Article
In: Anthropologie et Sociétés, vol. 37, no. 2, pp. 173, 2013.
@article{Jourdan2013b,
title = {Tensions internationales autour d’un concombre tueur},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Stephanie Hobbis},
doi = {10.7202/1017911ar},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-08-15},
journal = {Anthropologie et Sociétés},
volume = {37},
number = {2},
pages = {173},
abstract = {Au printemps 2011, des consommateurs de l’Allemagne du nord tomberent gravement malades, et certains moururent, apres avoir, dit-on, consomme des concombres et des tomates provenant d’Espagne infectes par la bacterie ECEH. Dans cet article, nous proposons de faire l’analyse de cette crise alimentaire en nous interessant a sa representation dans les courriers des lecteurs de trois journaux europeens (Die Welt, El Mundo, Le Monde). Nous montrons comment cette crise alimentaire s’est doublee d’une crise de conscience de la part des consommateurs et de confiance dans le systeme global alimentaire, les partenaires economiques ainsi que dans les institutions nationales et internationales sensees garantir la securite alimentaire.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Au printemps 2011, des consommateurs de l’Allemagne du nord tomberent gravement malades, et certains moururent, apres avoir, dit-on, consomme des concombres et des tomates provenant d’Espagne infectes par la bacterie ECEH. Dans cet article, nous proposons de faire l’analyse de cette crise alimentaire en nous interessant a sa representation dans les courriers des lecteurs de trois journaux europeens (Die Welt, El Mundo, Le Monde). Nous montrons comment cette crise alimentaire s’est doublee d’une crise de conscience de la part des consommateurs et de confiance dans le systeme global alimentaire, les partenaires economiques ainsi que dans les institutions nationales et internationales sensees garantir la securite alimentaire.
Jourdan, Christine
Pijin at school in Solomon Islands: Language ideologies and the nation Journal Article
In: Current Issues in Language Planning, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 270-282, 2013.
@article{Jourdan2013bb,
title = {Pijin at school in Solomon Islands: Language ideologies and the nation},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1080/14664208.2013.818510},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-05-01},
journal = {Current Issues in Language Planning},
volume = {14},
number = {2},
pages = {270-282},
abstract = {In this article, I analyze the reasons that have excluded Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, South West Pacific, from being used as a medium of instruction, and why this may now become possible. Following a short sociolinguistic sketch, I present the colonial and post-colonial linguistic ideologies that shaped sociolinguistic relationships in Solomon Islands. I then analyze the dynamics between Pijin and English as expressed by various interest groups, and then outline the development of nationalist ideologies that consider Pijin in a new light. The article concludes with a discussion of the impact of PRIDE (Pacific regional initiatives for the delivery of basic education) on the possible integration of Pijin as a medium of instruction in primary schools particularly.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In this article, I analyze the reasons that have excluded Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, South West Pacific, from being used as a medium of instruction, and why this may now become possible. Following a short sociolinguistic sketch, I present the colonial and post-colonial linguistic ideologies that shaped sociolinguistic relationships in Solomon Islands. I then analyze the dynamics between Pijin and English as expressed by various interest groups, and then outline the development of nationalist ideologies that consider Pijin in a new light. The article concludes with a discussion of the impact of PRIDE (Pacific regional initiatives for the delivery of basic education) on the possible integration of Pijin as a medium of instruction in primary schools particularly.
Jourdan, Christine; Salaün, Marie
Vernacular and culturally based education in Oceania today: Articulating global, national and local agendas Journal Article
In: Current Issues in Language Planning, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 205-216, 2013.
@article{Jourdan2013bb,
title = {Vernacular and culturally based education in Oceania today: Articulating global, national and local agendas},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Marie Salaün},
doi = {10.1080/14664208.2013.821388},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-05-01},
journal = {Current Issues in Language Planning},
volume = {14},
number = {2},
pages = {205-216},
abstract = {Much research has focused on a linguistic view of vernacular or culturally based education programmes, while the political aspects of creating such programmes have been less frequently addressed. Throughout Oceania, formal schooling is linked to the colonial encounter, and although the legacy of colonial education continues to shape current educational initiatives, school reforms are thus part of the efforts to reverse ongoing experiences of colonialism. Using a critical approach, and paying attention to the political situations that shape educational reforms, our article focuses on the tensions that make such reforms difficult to implement: tensions between State logics and indigenous claims, between 'equal opportunity' in school and discrimination based on race or culture; and between the various motives of vernacular education (patrimonial, political, pedagogical).},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Much research has focused on a linguistic view of vernacular or culturally based education programmes, while the political aspects of creating such programmes have been less frequently addressed. Throughout Oceania, formal schooling is linked to the colonial encounter, and although the legacy of colonial education continues to shape current educational initiatives, school reforms are thus part of the efforts to reverse ongoing experiences of colonialism. Using a critical approach, and paying attention to the political situations that shape educational reforms, our article focuses on the tensions that make such reforms difficult to implement: tensions between State logics and indigenous claims, between 'equal opportunity' in school and discrimination based on race or culture; and between the various motives of vernacular education (patrimonial, political, pedagogical).
Jourdan, Christine; Hobbis, Stephanie
Tensions internationales autour d'un concombre 'tueur': Confiance et glocalisation alimentaire Journal Article
In: Anthropologie et Sociétés, vol. 37, no. 2, pp. 173-192, 2013.
@article{Jourdan2013bb,
title = {Tensions internationales autour d'un concombre 'tueur': Confiance et glocalisation alimentaire},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Stephanie Hobbis},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-01-01},
journal = {Anthropologie et Sociétés},
volume = {37},
number = {2},
pages = {173-192},
abstract = {In the spring of 2011, German consumers fell gravely ill, and some died, after having supposedly eaten cucumbers and tomatoes originating from Spain and allegedly infected with the ECEH bacteria. Frightened, some European countries put a ban on the importation of all fresh Spanish produce thus severely threatening the agricultural economy of Spain, and that of Germany as well. In this article, we analyze this food crisis by focusing on how the readers of 3 European newspapers (the German Die Welt , the Spanish El Mundo , and the French Le Monde) reacted to it. We show how the ECEH episode is best understood as a crisis of conscience and a crisis of confidence in the global food system, the economic partners and the institutions that are expected to guarantee food safety.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In the spring of 2011, German consumers fell gravely ill, and some died, after having supposedly eaten cucumbers and tomatoes originating from Spain and allegedly infected with the ECEH bacteria. Frightened, some European countries put a ban on the importation of all fresh Spanish produce thus severely threatening the agricultural economy of Spain, and that of Germany as well. In this article, we analyze this food crisis by focusing on how the readers of 3 European newspapers (the German Die Welt , the Spanish El Mundo , and the French Le Monde) reacted to it. We show how the ECEH episode is best understood as a crisis of conscience and a crisis of confidence in the global food system, the economic partners and the institutions that are expected to guarantee food safety.
Jourdan, Christine; Riley, Kathleen C.
Presentation: Food glocalization Journal Article
In: Anthropology and Societies, vol. 37, no. 2, pp. 9 page, 2013.
@article{Jourdan2013bb,
title = {Presentation: Food glocalization},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Kathleen C. Riley},
doi = {10.7202/1017903ar},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-01-01},
journal = {Anthropology and Societies},
volume = {37},
number = {2},
pages = {9 page},
abstract = {Our featured issue examines how dietary changes shape and have been shaped by complex socio-cultural interactions. The circulation (and the contacts that this circulation generates) of the eaters themselves, of ideologies, of culinary practices and of foodstuffs are at the heart of the questions raised here. The articles show that the cultural contacts produced by globalization have given rise to reworked and diversified food practices and symbols, consequences of the constraints undergone and the choices made by producers and consumers, processors and distributors, cooks and eaters. in varied and specific contexts, manipulated by political, economic, and socio-cultural forces. To study these dietary changes, the volume sets aside the representation of cultural contacts as a Newtonian collision (the “clash culture”) and instead appeals to the analytical frameworks closer to the Bakhtinian dialogue (Bakhtin 1981): syncretism (Wallace 1956). ; Shaw and Stewart 1994; Greenfield 1998, among others), creolization (Drummond 1980; Hannerz 1987; see Friedman 1994 for a review and Palmié 2006 for a full analysis; Glissant 1997; Benoist 1999; Palmié 2009; Tibère, this volume); translocality (Brickell and Datta 2011); cosmopolitanism (Hannerz 1996; Appiah 2006) and hybridity (Garcia Canclini 1995; Pieterse 2009). These models focus on the appropriation of ideologies and practices, technologies and goods, information and institutions, by the producer and the consumer, in an eclectic and merging way in various parts of the world even when these mixtures are made in the face of structural impositions. In general, these approaches are based on a vision of change as a process inherent in any society and which includes not only “dialogues” between equal interlocutors, but also imposed and hegemonic discourses; which has various results: acquiescence or almost total rejection, accommodations (out of politeness or fear), required or strategic compromise. Note however that to speak of the phenomena of appropriation, Appadurai shows the importance of processes such as "agency, selectivity, but also irony and resistance" (Appadurai 1996: 7). However, the main fusionist paradigm that we wish to use and reformulate here is that ofglocalization. A portmanteau word that combines globalization and localization, the term was introduced into the academic lexicon by sociologist Roland Robertson (1994, 1995). Borrowed from Japanese salespeople, the term describes the means by which multinational companies can strategically improve the sales of their products by tailoring them to the tastes of local consumers. In fact, the first occurrence of this word describes how agricultural techniques must be adapted to the new environments in which they are introduced (Khondker 2004). But in marketing, that term mostly refers to how McDonalds, for example, had to transform the Big Mac sandwich to satisfy the palates of consumers around the world. Anyway, the meaning given to this attractive portmanteau has been modified according to authors working in the fields of marketing (Kjeldgaard and Askegaard 2006), political economy (Mendis 2007), linguistic anthropology (Roth-Gordon 2007), and the anthropology of education (Jungck and Kajorsin 2003). The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... political economy (Mendis 2007), linguistic anthropology (Roth-Gordon 2007), and educational anthropology (Jungck and Kajorsin 2003). The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... political economy (Mendis 2007), linguistic anthropology (Roth-Gordon 2007), and educational anthropology (Jungck and Kajorsin 2003). The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Our featured issue examines how dietary changes shape and have been shaped by complex socio-cultural interactions. The circulation (and the contacts that this circulation generates) of the eaters themselves, of ideologies, of culinary practices and of foodstuffs are at the heart of the questions raised here. The articles show that the cultural contacts produced by globalization have given rise to reworked and diversified food practices and symbols, consequences of the constraints undergone and the choices made by producers and consumers, processors and distributors, cooks and eaters. in varied and specific contexts, manipulated by political, economic, and socio-cultural forces. To study these dietary changes, the volume sets aside the representation of cultural contacts as a Newtonian collision (the “clash culture”) and instead appeals to the analytical frameworks closer to the Bakhtinian dialogue (Bakhtin 1981): syncretism (Wallace 1956). ; Shaw and Stewart 1994; Greenfield 1998, among others), creolization (Drummond 1980; Hannerz 1987; see Friedman 1994 for a review and Palmié 2006 for a full analysis; Glissant 1997; Benoist 1999; Palmié 2009; Tibère, this volume); translocality (Brickell and Datta 2011); cosmopolitanism (Hannerz 1996; Appiah 2006) and hybridity (Garcia Canclini 1995; Pieterse 2009). These models focus on the appropriation of ideologies and practices, technologies and goods, information and institutions, by the producer and the consumer, in an eclectic and merging way in various parts of the world even when these mixtures are made in the face of structural impositions. In general, these approaches are based on a vision of change as a process inherent in any society and which includes not only “dialogues” between equal interlocutors, but also imposed and hegemonic discourses; which has various results: acquiescence or almost total rejection, accommodations (out of politeness or fear), required or strategic compromise. Note however that to speak of the phenomena of appropriation, Appadurai shows the importance of processes such as "agency, selectivity, but also irony and resistance" (Appadurai 1996: 7). However, the main fusionist paradigm that we wish to use and reformulate here is that ofglocalization. A portmanteau word that combines globalization and localization, the term was introduced into the academic lexicon by sociologist Roland Robertson (1994, 1995). Borrowed from Japanese salespeople, the term describes the means by which multinational companies can strategically improve the sales of their products by tailoring them to the tastes of local consumers. In fact, the first occurrence of this word describes how agricultural techniques must be adapted to the new environments in which they are introduced (Khondker 2004). But in marketing, that term mostly refers to how McDonalds, for example, had to transform the Big Mac sandwich to satisfy the palates of consumers around the world. Anyway, the meaning given to this attractive portmanteau has been modified according to authors working in the fields of marketing (Kjeldgaard and Askegaard 2006), political economy (Mendis 2007), linguistic anthropology (Roth-Gordon 2007), and the anthropology of education (Jungck and Kajorsin 2003). The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... political economy (Mendis 2007), linguistic anthropology (Roth-Gordon 2007), and educational anthropology (Jungck and Kajorsin 2003). The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... political economy (Mendis 2007), linguistic anthropology (Roth-Gordon 2007), and educational anthropology (Jungck and Kajorsin 2003). The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global. From ... The term has also been used in some analyzes of dietary changes by Wilk (1999), Matejowsky (2007), Möhring (2008), and Jourdan (2010). Although it has sometimes been sidelined because of its association with the rhetoric of neoliberal development, we wish to take a fresh look at the possibilities it offers, particularly with regard to the analysis of the multiple forms of development. dialogical interdependence of the local and the global.
Jourdan, Christine; Salaün, Marie
Language Planning and Indigenous Language Education in the Pacific Book
2013.
@book{Jourdan2013bb,
title = { Language Planning and Indigenous Language Education in the Pacific},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Marie Salaün},
year = {2013},
date = {2013-01-01},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {book}
}
2012
Jourdan, Christine; Poirier, S.
The taste in heritage1: Exploration of food transformations in some Montreal families Journal Article
In: Anthropologica , vol. 54, no. 2, pp. 281-292, 2012.
@article{Jourdan2012,
title = {The taste in heritage1: Exploration of food transformations in some Montreal families},
author = {Christine Jourdan and S. Poirier},
year = {2012},
date = {2012-01-01},
journal = {Anthropologica },
volume = {54},
number = {2},
pages = {281-292},
abstract = {This article presents the first results of a project studying changes in food ideologies and practices in Montreal, focusing on five families of the middle class over three generations. Its goal is to analyze the continuities, discontinuities and transformations that affect family food cultures over time. This analysis takes into account the main social and economic changes that work to drive food ideologies and practices.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article presents the first results of a project studying changes in food ideologies and practices in Montreal, focusing on five families of the middle class over three generations. Its goal is to analyze the continuities, discontinuities and transformations that affect family food cultures over time. This analysis takes into account the main social and economic changes that work to drive food ideologies and practices.
2010
Jourdan, Christine
The cultural localization of rice in the Solomon Islands Journal Article
In: Ethnology, vol. 49, no. 4, pp. 263-282, 2010.
@article{Jourdan2010,
title = {The cultural localization of rice in the Solomon Islands},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
year = {2010},
date = {2010-09-01},
urldate = {2010-09-01},
journal = {Ethnology},
volume = {49},
number = {4},
pages = {263-282},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Jourdan, Christine
Resina's Life Histories Journal Article
In: Canberra Anthropology April, vol. 1997, no. 1-2, pp. 40-54, 2010.
@article{Jourdan2010b,
title = {Resina's Life Histories},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1080/03149099709508381},
year = {2010},
date = {2010-02-15},
urldate = {2010-02-15},
journal = {Canberra Anthropology April},
volume = {1997},
number = {1-2},
pages = {40-54},
abstract = {This article exposes the modalities of the construction of a life story and the history of the relationship of friendship between the informant and the ethnologist. THE. proposes to define the life story as a story which indeed offers ethnographic information but which is also the result of a privileged human relationship where the two lives of the interlocutors are the subject of a mutual analysis, where the emotions are indicators on the social and cultural life of the respective companies of origin of the interlocutors. THE. presents three versions of the life story of Resina, a woman from the Solomon Islands, recorded over a period of 14 years. Each version, which calls into question the previous one, is the subject.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
This article exposes the modalities of the construction of a life story and the history of the relationship of friendship between the informant and the ethnologist. THE. proposes to define the life story as a story which indeed offers ethnographic information but which is also the result of a privileged human relationship where the two lives of the interlocutors are the subject of a mutual analysis, where the emotions are indicators on the social and cultural life of the respective companies of origin of the interlocutors. THE. presents three versions of the life story of Resina, a woman from the Solomon Islands, recorded over a period of 14 years. Each version, which calls into question the previous one, is the subject.
Jourdan, Christine
Les Petits Princes In The Field Journal Article
In: Canberra Anthropology, vol. 4, no. 1997, pp. 1-6, 2010.
@article{Jourdan2010bb,
title = {Les Petits Princes In The Field},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1080/03149099709508378},
year = {2010},
date = {2010-02-15},
urldate = {2010-02-15},
journal = {Canberra Anthropology},
volume = {4},
number = {1997},
pages = {1-6},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
2009
Jourdan, Christine
Complexification or regularization of paradigms Book Chapter
In: pp. 159-170, Complex Processes in New Languages, 2009.
@inbook{Jourdan2009b,
title = {Complexification or regularization of paradigms},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1075/cll.35.10jou},
year = {2009},
date = {2009-12-16},
pages = {159-170},
publisher = {Complex Processes in New Languages},
abstract = {In Honiara, capital city of the Solomon Islands, speakers of the local variety of Pijin are making extensive usage of the transitive suffix -em (and its variants -im and -um) to transform prepositions into prepositional verbs: daon /down/ becomes daonem /to lower/; ap /up/ becomes apum /to raise/; insaet /inside/ becomes insaetim /to insert, to take inside/; aot /out/ becomes aotim /to remove/, etc. Looking at data gathered in Honiara since 1981, this paper will hypothesize that the formation of prepositional verbs in Solomon Island Pijin (SIP) is best understood as an instance of paradigmatic regularization that is also present in other parts of the morphosyntax. The paper will argue that: (1) simplification and complexification are not the only types of linguistic changes affecting the life of PCs (Pidgin and Creole language); and (2) that regularization is internally-induced, and may not be linked to any substrate or superstrate effect.},
type = {inbook},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
In Honiara, capital city of the Solomon Islands, speakers of the local variety of Pijin are making extensive usage of the transitive suffix -em (and its variants -im and -um) to transform prepositions into prepositional verbs: daon /down/ becomes daonem /to lower/; ap /up/ becomes apum /to raise/; insaet /inside/ becomes insaetim /to insert, to take inside/; aot /out/ becomes aotim /to remove/, etc. Looking at data gathered in Honiara since 1981, this paper will hypothesize that the formation of prepositional verbs in Solomon Island Pijin (SIP) is best understood as an instance of paradigmatic regularization that is also present in other parts of the morphosyntax. The paper will argue that: (1) simplification and complexification are not the only types of linguistic changes affecting the life of PCs (Pidgin and Creole language); and (2) that regularization is internally-induced, and may not be linked to any substrate or superstrate effect.
Jourdan, Christine
Bilingualism and creolization in Solomon Islands Book Chapter
In: pp. 245-256, Gradual Creolization: Studies celebrating Jacques Arends, 2009.
@inbook{Jourdan2009bb,
title = {Bilingualism and creolization in Solomon Islands},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1075/cll.34.18jou},
year = {2009},
date = {2009-04-08},
pages = {245-256},
publisher = {Gradual Creolization: Studies celebrating Jacques Arends},
abstract = {The paper takes a cultural approach to the study of creolization and argues that the expansion of Pijin as the lingua franca of the Solomon Islands was curtailed, during the greater part of its social history (1) by the fact that most adults were bilingual or multilingual and (2) that Pijin was not associated with a cultural world that had legitimacy in the mind of Pijin speakers. The paper starts with a presentation of the nature and extent of multilingualism in the history of the Solomon Islands and Honiara, capital city of the country; it continues with a discussion of the process of creolization understood as inherently linked to social change. The conclusion argues that creolization takes place gradually.},
type = {inbook},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
The paper takes a cultural approach to the study of creolization and argues that the expansion of Pijin as the lingua franca of the Solomon Islands was curtailed, during the greater part of its social history (1) by the fact that most adults were bilingual or multilingual and (2) that Pijin was not associated with a cultural world that had legitimacy in the mind of Pijin speakers. The paper starts with a presentation of the nature and extent of multilingualism in the history of the Solomon Islands and Honiara, capital city of the country; it continues with a discussion of the process of creolization understood as inherently linked to social change. The conclusion argues that creolization takes place gradually.
Jourdan, Christine
The Cultural in Pidgin Genesis Journal Article
In: 10.1002/9781444305982.ch15, pp. 359 - 381, 2009.
@article{Jourdan2009,
title = {The Cultural in Pidgin Genesis},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
year = {2009},
date = {2009-03-02},
journal = {10.1002/9781444305982.ch15},
pages = {359 - 381},
abstract = {IntroductionCultureMeaningPowerConclusion References},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
IntroductionCultureMeaningPowerConclusion References
2008
Jourdan, Christine
Solomon Islands Pijin: Morphology and syntax Book Chapter
In: pp. 467 - 487, De Gruyter Mouton, 2008.
@inbook{Jourdan2008,
title = {Solomon Islands Pijin: Morphology and syntax},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1515/9783110197181-114},
year = {2008},
date = {2008-12-10},
pages = {467 - 487},
publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton},
abstract = {The Handbook ‚Varieties of English‘ is by far the most thorough reference work on phonology and the first-ever comprehensive overview of the morphology and syntax of varieties of English in the world. Survey Articles_
The books feature descriptive survey articles that are authored by widely acclaimed specialists in the field and that cover all main national standard varieties, distinctive regional, ethnic, and social varieties, major contact varieties, as well as major ESL varieties; share a common core, which makes them invaluable research tools for cross-linguistic comparisons; provide information on the historical and cultural backgrounds as well as the current sociolinguistic situations in the respective regions; serve as state-of-the-art reports on major issues in current research.
The handbook is an indispensable reference work and research tool for sociolinguists, dialectologists, phonologists, grammarians, typologists, and specialists in contact languages and varieties of English around the world. It is also ideally suited not only for professional academics but also for undergraduate and graduate students.
The editors are responsible for the following topics:
Kate Burridge/ Bernd Kortmann: Australia / Pacific Archipelagos
Bernd Kortmann: British Isles: Morphology and Syntax
Rajend Mesthrie: Africa / South and Southeast Asia
Edgar W. Schneider: The Americas / Caribbean
Clive Upton: British Isles: Phonology},
type = {inbook},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
The Handbook ‚Varieties of English‘ is by far the most thorough reference work on phonology and the first-ever comprehensive overview of the morphology and syntax of varieties of English in the world. Survey Articles_
The books feature descriptive survey articles that are authored by widely acclaimed specialists in the field and that cover all main national standard varieties, distinctive regional, ethnic, and social varieties, major contact varieties, as well as major ESL varieties; share a common core, which makes them invaluable research tools for cross-linguistic comparisons; provide information on the historical and cultural backgrounds as well as the current sociolinguistic situations in the respective regions; serve as state-of-the-art reports on major issues in current research.
The handbook is an indispensable reference work and research tool for sociolinguists, dialectologists, phonologists, grammarians, typologists, and specialists in contact languages and varieties of English around the world. It is also ideally suited not only for professional academics but also for undergraduate and graduate students.
The editors are responsible for the following topics:
Kate Burridge/ Bernd Kortmann: Australia / Pacific Archipelagos
Bernd Kortmann: British Isles: Morphology and Syntax
Rajend Mesthrie: Africa / South and Southeast Asia
Edgar W. Schneider: The Americas / Caribbean
Clive Upton: British Isles: Phonology
The books feature descriptive survey articles that are authored by widely acclaimed specialists in the field and that cover all main national standard varieties, distinctive regional, ethnic, and social varieties, major contact varieties, as well as major ESL varieties; share a common core, which makes them invaluable research tools for cross-linguistic comparisons; provide information on the historical and cultural backgrounds as well as the current sociolinguistic situations in the respective regions; serve as state-of-the-art reports on major issues in current research.
The handbook is an indispensable reference work and research tool for sociolinguists, dialectologists, phonologists, grammarians, typologists, and specialists in contact languages and varieties of English around the world. It is also ideally suited not only for professional academics but also for undergraduate and graduate students.
The editors are responsible for the following topics:
Kate Burridge/ Bernd Kortmann: Australia / Pacific Archipelagos
Bernd Kortmann: British Isles: Morphology and Syntax
Rajend Mesthrie: Africa / South and Southeast Asia
Edgar W. Schneider: The Americas / Caribbean
Clive Upton: British Isles: Phonology
Jourdan, Christine; Selbach, R.
Solomon Islands Pijin: Phonetics and phonology Book Chapter
In: pp. 164 - 187, De Gruyter Mouton, 2008.
@inbook{Jourdan2008b,
title = {Solomon Islands Pijin: Phonetics and phonology},
author = {Christine Jourdan and R. Selbach},
doi = {10.1515/9783110208412.1.164},
year = {2008},
date = {2008-12-10},
pages = {164 - 187},
publisher = {De Gruyter Mouton},
abstract = {Solomon Islands Pijin is one of the three Melanesian pidgins (along with Tok Pisin spoken in Papua New Guinea, and Bislama spoken in Vanuatu) that are, more or less directly, the offshoots of the Pacifi c trade jargon of the early 19thcentury, known as Beach-la-Mar (Clark 1979; Keesing 1988). This early jar-gon is probably based on a pidgin that developed in Australia between the British settlers in New South Wales and the aboriginal population at the end of the 18th century (Troy 1985; Baker 1993). It further expanded and stabilized during the plantation period of the second part of the 19th century that linked the Melanesian archipelagos of Vanuatu and the Solomons to Australia. The labour trade to Queensland lasted for roughly 40 years, from 1863 to 1906. At the beginning of the trade period, the Australian planters started to recruit in New Caledonia, the New Hebrides, the Melanesian archipelago closest to Australia; when recruiting in the southern islands became diffi cult, they moved north towards the Banks Islands, the Santa Cruz archipelago and later, around 1874, toward the Solomon Islands. Around 13,000 Solomon Islanders were taken to Queensland during the forty-year period. The pidgin language (called Kanaka Pidgin English) that was used on the plantations became the lingua franca spoken among Melanesian workers (the Kanakas, as they were called) who did not share the same language, and between Melanesians and European overseers. When Solomon Islanders went back to the Solomons at the end of their contract, or when they were forcefully repatriated at the end of the labour trade period (1904), they brought Melanesian pidgin to the Solomon Islands. The result was that the pidgin became quite spread-out throughout the east-ern part of the archipelago, but, not having a social raison d’être, it remained largely unused, except for affect. Back in the 1980s, old people could still remember the stories that were told by the old former Queensland hands many years after their return.},
type = {inbook},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
Solomon Islands Pijin is one of the three Melanesian pidgins (along with Tok Pisin spoken in Papua New Guinea, and Bislama spoken in Vanuatu) that are, more or less directly, the offshoots of the Pacifi c trade jargon of the early 19thcentury, known as Beach-la-Mar (Clark 1979; Keesing 1988). This early jar-gon is probably based on a pidgin that developed in Australia between the British settlers in New South Wales and the aboriginal population at the end of the 18th century (Troy 1985; Baker 1993). It further expanded and stabilized during the plantation period of the second part of the 19th century that linked the Melanesian archipelagos of Vanuatu and the Solomons to Australia. The labour trade to Queensland lasted for roughly 40 years, from 1863 to 1906. At the beginning of the trade period, the Australian planters started to recruit in New Caledonia, the New Hebrides, the Melanesian archipelago closest to Australia; when recruiting in the southern islands became diffi cult, they moved north towards the Banks Islands, the Santa Cruz archipelago and later, around 1874, toward the Solomon Islands. Around 13,000 Solomon Islanders were taken to Queensland during the forty-year period. The pidgin language (called Kanaka Pidgin English) that was used on the plantations became the lingua franca spoken among Melanesian workers (the Kanakas, as they were called) who did not share the same language, and between Melanesians and European overseers. When Solomon Islanders went back to the Solomons at the end of their contract, or when they were forcefully repatriated at the end of the labour trade period (1904), they brought Melanesian pidgin to the Solomon Islands. The result was that the pidgin became quite spread-out throughout the east-ern part of the archipelago, but, not having a social raison d’être, it remained largely unused, except for affect. Back in the 1980s, old people could still remember the stories that were told by the old former Queensland hands many years after their return.
Jourdan, Christine
Language repertoires and the middle class in urban Solomon Islands Book Chapter
In: pp. 43-67, Social Lives in Language – Sociolinguistics and multilingual speech communities: Celebrating the work of Gillian Sankoff, 2008.
@inbook{Jourdan2008bb,
title = {Language repertoires and the middle class in urban Solomon Islands},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1075/impact.24.07jou},
year = {2008},
date = {2008-01-01},
pages = {43-67},
publisher = {Social Lives in Language – Sociolinguistics and multilingual speech communities: Celebrating the work of Gillian Sankoff},
abstract = {In Honiara, Solomon Islands, 64 vernacular languages coexist with Pijin, the lingua franca and linguistic cement of the town, and with English, the former colonial language. The chapter shows how the modalities of urban linguistic repertoires vary with different phases of Honiara’s transformation and with the life course of individuals. There is a reconfiguration of the linguistic repertoires of most urbanites and language shift for some, particularly the younger urban middle-class. The first section presents a background on multilingualism in the Solomon Islands and the typical linguistic repertoires prevalent before urbanization. An analysis of the development of the middle class in Honiara follows. Finally, it addresses the social forces shaping the language practices of the middle-class. The paper shows that, if societal language shift is the trend in Honiara, young members of the urban middle-class are at the forefront of this change.},
type = {inbook},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
In Honiara, Solomon Islands, 64 vernacular languages coexist with Pijin, the lingua franca and linguistic cement of the town, and with English, the former colonial language. The chapter shows how the modalities of urban linguistic repertoires vary with different phases of Honiara’s transformation and with the life course of individuals. There is a reconfiguration of the linguistic repertoires of most urbanites and language shift for some, particularly the younger urban middle-class. The first section presents a background on multilingualism in the Solomon Islands and the typical linguistic repertoires prevalent before urbanization. An analysis of the development of the middle class in Honiara follows. Finally, it addresses the social forces shaping the language practices of the middle-class. The paper shows that, if societal language shift is the trend in Honiara, young members of the urban middle-class are at the forefront of this change.
2007
Jourdan, Christine; Lindstrom, Lamont; Labbe, Fabienne
Urbanization in Melanesia Miscellaneous
2007.
@misc{Jourdan2007,
title = {Urbanization in Melanesia},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Lamont Lindstrom and Fabienne Labbe},
doi = {10.4000/jso.7673},
year = {2007},
date = {2007-01-01},
abstract = {In the 1970s, ethnographers Hal and Marlene Levine wrote that:
“[they] rarely heard New Guineans speak favorably of their cities [and that the latter] complained about the cost of living in the cities, the violence there and the dangers and hardships associated with living among so many strangers ”(Levine & Levine, 1979: 1)
A decade earlier, a resident of Port Moresby similarly described his town as a 'bad place' where 'there are always problems and too much drinking and fighting' (Rew, 1974: v, our translation). Today, nearly fifty years later, Melanesians still complain about city life, even though over the course of these years Melanesian cities have gone from being colonial towns to being national centers. The complaints about the city in Vanuatu are stereotypical. Soarum, who has lived in Port Vila since he left Tanna, his home island several years ago, disparages city life in exemplary fashion:
“[To] Vila, if you don't work, you don't eat. If you don't eat and live with nothing, it's not good. You have no energy, no strength […] When people leave their homes and come to the city, they adopt an urban way of life, a mixed culture. },
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {misc}
}
In the 1970s, ethnographers Hal and Marlene Levine wrote that:
“[they] rarely heard New Guineans speak favorably of their cities [and that the latter] complained about the cost of living in the cities, the violence there and the dangers and hardships associated with living among so many strangers ”(Levine & Levine, 1979: 1)
A decade earlier, a resident of Port Moresby similarly described his town as a 'bad place' where 'there are always problems and too much drinking and fighting' (Rew, 1974: v, our translation). Today, nearly fifty years later, Melanesians still complain about city life, even though over the course of these years Melanesian cities have gone from being colonial towns to being national centers. The complaints about the city in Vanuatu are stereotypical. Soarum, who has lived in Port Vila since he left Tanna, his home island several years ago, disparages city life in exemplary fashion:
“[To] Vila, if you don't work, you don't eat. If you don't eat and live with nothing, it's not good. You have no energy, no strength […] When people leave their homes and come to the city, they adopt an urban way of life, a mixed culture.
“[they] rarely heard New Guineans speak favorably of their cities [and that the latter] complained about the cost of living in the cities, the violence there and the dangers and hardships associated with living among so many strangers ”(Levine & Levine, 1979: 1)
A decade earlier, a resident of Port Moresby similarly described his town as a 'bad place' where 'there are always problems and too much drinking and fighting' (Rew, 1974: v, our translation). Today, nearly fifty years later, Melanesians still complain about city life, even though over the course of these years Melanesian cities have gone from being colonial towns to being national centers. The complaints about the city in Vanuatu are stereotypical. Soarum, who has lived in Port Vila since he left Tanna, his home island several years ago, disparages city life in exemplary fashion:
“[To] Vila, if you don't work, you don't eat. If you don't eat and live with nothing, it's not good. You have no energy, no strength […] When people leave their homes and come to the city, they adopt an urban way of life, a mixed culture.
2006
Jourdan, Christine
Pidgins and creoles genesis: An anthropological offering Book Chapter
In: pp. 135 - 155, Cambridge University Press, 2006.
@inbook{Jourdan2006,
title = {Pidgins and creoles genesis: An anthropological offering},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511616792.007},
year = {2006},
date = {2006-01-01},
pages = {135 - 155},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
abstract = {speaking so as not to die is a task undoubtedly as old as the word. (Foucault 1977: 53) Among the various fields of contemporary linguistics that anthropologists recognize as potentially relevant for their own discipline, pidgin and creole studies figure prominently. Why? For three essential reasons. First, pidgins and creoles have arisen in sociocultural situations that have proved to be of great interest to anthropologists since the 1950s, namely situations of cultural contacts often fostered, but not necessarily so, by European colonization. Second, pidgins and creoles have developed concomitantly with new cultural worlds, thus comforting anthropologists in their understanding of language as part of culture and of language as culture. Part of this approach has its intellectual roots in the works of the German philosopher Herder, and has been instrumental in shaping much of North American cultural anthropology (see Leavitt, this volume). Third, the cultural processes linked to pidginization and creolization show that “enlanguagement,” defined here as the process by which sociocultural groups create for themselves the language that becomes the medium of their new cultural life, is a cultural process as much as it is a cognitive one. But overall, the question of the birth conditions of these new languages is what has caught the attention of anthropologists. And the stories are fascinating, not only because of the human drama that has set the stage for the birthing process (colonization, slavery, indentured labour), but because of what this birth reveals about human agency.},
type = {inbook},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {inbook}
}
speaking so as not to die is a task undoubtedly as old as the word. (Foucault 1977: 53) Among the various fields of contemporary linguistics that anthropologists recognize as potentially relevant for their own discipline, pidgin and creole studies figure prominently. Why? For three essential reasons. First, pidgins and creoles have arisen in sociocultural situations that have proved to be of great interest to anthropologists since the 1950s, namely situations of cultural contacts often fostered, but not necessarily so, by European colonization. Second, pidgins and creoles have developed concomitantly with new cultural worlds, thus comforting anthropologists in their understanding of language as part of culture and of language as culture. Part of this approach has its intellectual roots in the works of the German philosopher Herder, and has been instrumental in shaping much of North American cultural anthropology (see Leavitt, this volume). Third, the cultural processes linked to pidginization and creolization show that “enlanguagement,” defined here as the process by which sociocultural groups create for themselves the language that becomes the medium of their new cultural life, is a cultural process as much as it is a cognitive one. But overall, the question of the birth conditions of these new languages is what has caught the attention of anthropologists. And the stories are fascinating, not only because of the human drama that has set the stage for the birthing process (colonization, slavery, indentured labour), but because of what this birth reveals about human agency.
2004
Jourdan, Christine; Selbach, R. R.
Phonology and Phonetics of Solomon Islands Pijin Journal Article
In: Head and Neck-journal for The Sciences and Specialties of The Head and Neck - HEAD NECK-J SCI SPEC HEAD NEC, pp. 690 - 709, 2004.
@article{Jourdan2004,
title = {Phonology and Phonetics of Solomon Islands Pijin},
author = {Christine Jourdan and R. R. Selbach},
doi = {10.1515/9783110197181-045},
year = {2004},
date = {2004-01-01},
journal = {Head and Neck-journal for The Sciences and Specialties of The Head and Neck - HEAD NECK-J SCI SPEC HEAD NEC},
pages = {690 - 709},
abstract = {Solomon Islands Pijin is one of the three Melanesian pidgins (along with Tok Pi-sin spoken in Papua New Guinea, and Bislama spoken in Vanuatu) that are, more or less directly, the offshoots of the Pacific trade jargon of the early 19th century, known as Beach-la-Mar (Clark 1979; Keesing 1988). This early jargon is probably based on a pidgin that developed in Australia between the British settlers in New South Wales and the aboriginal population at the end of the 18th century (Troy 1985; Baker 1993). It further expanded and stabilized during the plantation period of the second part of the 19th century that linked the Melanesian archipelagos of Vanuatu and the Solomons to Australia. The labour trade to Queensland lasted for roughly 40 years, from 1863 to 1906. At the beginning of the trade period, the Australian planters started to recruit in New Caledonia, the New Hebrides, the Melanesian archipelago closest to Australia; when recruiting in the southern islands became dif-ficult, they moved north towards the Banks Islands, the Santa Cruz archipelago and later, around 1874, toward the Solomon Islands. Around 13,000 Solomon Islanders were taken to Queensland during the forty-year period. The pidgin language (called Kanaka Pidgin English) that was used on the plantations became the lingua franca spoken among Melanesian workers (the Kanakas, as they were called) who did not share the same language, and between Melanesians and European overseers. When Solomon Islanders went back to the Solomons at the end of their contract, or when they were forcefully repatriated at the end of the labour trade period (1904), they brought Melanesian pidgin to the Solomon Islands. The result was that the pidgin became quite spread-out throughout the eastern part of the archipelago, but, not having a social raison d’être, it remained largely unused, except for affect. Back in the 1980s, old people could still remember the stories that were told by the old former Queensland hands many years after their return.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Solomon Islands Pijin is one of the three Melanesian pidgins (along with Tok Pi-sin spoken in Papua New Guinea, and Bislama spoken in Vanuatu) that are, more or less directly, the offshoots of the Pacific trade jargon of the early 19th century, known as Beach-la-Mar (Clark 1979; Keesing 1988). This early jargon is probably based on a pidgin that developed in Australia between the British settlers in New South Wales and the aboriginal population at the end of the 18th century (Troy 1985; Baker 1993). It further expanded and stabilized during the plantation period of the second part of the 19th century that linked the Melanesian archipelagos of Vanuatu and the Solomons to Australia. The labour trade to Queensland lasted for roughly 40 years, from 1863 to 1906. At the beginning of the trade period, the Australian planters started to recruit in New Caledonia, the New Hebrides, the Melanesian archipelago closest to Australia; when recruiting in the southern islands became dif-ficult, they moved north towards the Banks Islands, the Santa Cruz archipelago and later, around 1874, toward the Solomon Islands. Around 13,000 Solomon Islanders were taken to Queensland during the forty-year period. The pidgin language (called Kanaka Pidgin English) that was used on the plantations became the lingua franca spoken among Melanesian workers (the Kanakas, as they were called) who did not share the same language, and between Melanesians and European overseers. When Solomon Islanders went back to the Solomons at the end of their contract, or when they were forcefully repatriated at the end of the labour trade period (1904), they brought Melanesian pidgin to the Solomon Islands. The result was that the pidgin became quite spread-out throughout the eastern part of the archipelago, but, not having a social raison d’être, it remained largely unused, except for affect. Back in the 1980s, old people could still remember the stories that were told by the old former Queensland hands many years after their return.
2003
Jourdan, Christine
Pidgins and Creoles: The Blurring of Categories Journal Article
In: Annual Review of Anthropology , vol. 20, no. 1, pp. 187-209, 2003.
@article{Jourdan2003,
title = {Pidgins and Creoles: The Blurring of Categories},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1146/annurev.an.20.100191.001155},
year = {2003},
date = {2003-11-28},
urldate = {2003-11-28},
journal = {Annual Review of Anthropology },
volume = {20},
number = {1},
pages = {187-209},
abstract = {The Annual Review of Anthropology®, in publication since 1972, covers significant developments in the subfields of Anthropology, including Archaeology, Biological Anthropology, Linguistics and Communicative Practices, Regional Studies and International Anthropology, and Sociocultural Anthropology. The journal is essential reading for anthropologists, ethnologists, archaeologists, linguists, and scientists in related fields.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
The Annual Review of Anthropology®, in publication since 1972, covers significant developments in the subfields of Anthropology, including Archaeology, Biological Anthropology, Linguistics and Communicative Practices, Regional Studies and International Anthropology, and Sociocultural Anthropology. The journal is essential reading for anthropologists, ethnologists, archaeologists, linguists, and scientists in related fields.
1990
Jourdan, Christine
Solomons Pijin: An unrecognized national language Journal Article
In: Language Planning and Education in Australasia and The South Pacific, vol. 43, no. 3, pp. 265-285, 1990.
@article{Jourdan1990,
title = {Solomons Pijin: An unrecognized national language},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
year = {1990},
date = {1990-01-01},
journal = {Language Planning and Education in Australasia and The South Pacific},
volume = {43},
number = {3},
pages = {265-285},
abstract = {In this article, I analyze the reasons that have excluded Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, South West Pacific, from being used as a medium of instruction, and why this may now become possible. Following a short sociolinguistic sketch, I present the colonial and post-colonial linguistic ideologies that shaped sociolinguistic relationships in Solomon Islands. I then analyze the dynamics between Pijin and English as expressed by various interest groups, and then outline the development of nationalist ideologies that consider Pijin in a new light. The article concludes with a discussion of the impact of PRIDE (Pacific regional initiatives for the delivery of basic education) on the possible integration of Pijin as a medium of instruction in primary schools particularly.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
In this article, I analyze the reasons that have excluded Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, South West Pacific, from being used as a medium of instruction, and why this may now become possible. Following a short sociolinguistic sketch, I present the colonial and post-colonial linguistic ideologies that shaped sociolinguistic relationships in Solomon Islands. I then analyze the dynamics between Pijin and English as expressed by various interest groups, and then outline the development of nationalist ideologies that consider Pijin in a new light. The article concludes with a discussion of the impact of PRIDE (Pacific regional initiatives for the delivery of basic education) on the possible integration of Pijin as a medium of instruction in primary schools particularly.
1989
Jourdan, Christine
Nativization and anglicization in Solomon Islands Pijin Journal Article
In: World Englishes, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 25 - 35, 1989.
@article{Jourdan1989,
title = {Nativization and anglicization in Solomon Islands Pijin},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-971X.1989.tb00432.x},
year = {1989},
date = {1989-03-01},
journal = {World Englishes},
volume = {8},
number = {1},
pages = {25 - 35},
abstract = {Solomon Islands Pijin, the lingua franca of the Solomon Islands, has become the primary language for the urban community of Honiara, the nation's capital. In the process, Pijin is undergoing nativization: an increasing number of young children now speak Pijin as their mother tongue. However, English rather than Pijin is the language of social advancement and the key to well-paid jobs in the Solomons. It is also the official language of the country, and the medium of instruction for schools. With more and more urbanites in contact with English, is English having an impact on Pijin? This paper presents preliminary results of a study evaluating the anglicization of Pijin.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Solomon Islands Pijin, the lingua franca of the Solomon Islands, has become the primary language for the urban community of Honiara, the nation's capital. In the process, Pijin is undergoing nativization: an increasing number of young children now speak Pijin as their mother tongue. However, English rather than Pijin is the language of social advancement and the key to well-paid jobs in the Solomons. It is also the official language of the country, and the medium of instruction for schools. With more and more urbanites in contact with English, is English having an impact on Pijin? This paper presents preliminary results of a study evaluating the anglicization of Pijin.
1987
Jourdan, Christine
From plantations to the city Journal Article
In: Journal de la Société des océanistes, vol. 85, no. 2, pp. 243-251, 1987.
@article{Jourdan1987,
title = {From plantations to the city},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.3406/jso.1987.2583},
year = {1987},
date = {1987-01-01},
journal = {Journal de la Société des océanistes},
volume = {85},
number = {2},
pages = {243-251},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
1985
Jourdan, Christine
Sapos iumi mitim iumi : urbanization and creolization in the Solomon Islands PhD Thesis
1985.
@phdthesis{Jourdan1985,
title = {Sapos iumi mitim iumi : urbanization and creolization in the Solomon Islands},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
year = {1985},
date = {1985-08-01},
abstract = {Solcmon Islands· Pijin,. the least well documented dialect ·of Melanesian Pidgin, has been for a century a second and secondary language, a lingua franca of piantations and administration. As with Tok Pisin and Bislama, Pijin has long been expanded and stabilized to a degre far beyond the pidgins whose transformation into creoles has beccme a focus of universalist grarrrnatical theory. The thesis argues that Pijin, like Tok Pisin and Bislama, is undergoinq creolization. But this, it is proposed, is not primarily a process of nativization, whereby Pijin is becoming the mother tongue of mono1inqua1 speakers. It is a concomitant of urbanization, particularly in Honiara, where Pijin has become the mair language for a substantial stable population. Urban life creates a set of conditions, for which I introduce the term "creolicity", which provide the context in which a secondary lingua franca becomes the main language of a community. Under conditions of · creolicity, the first generation of speakers for whom such a pidgin becomes the primary linguistic medium of everyday life. comprises adults who learned it non-natively. The emergence of nativization, in the generation of their children, is a natural concomitant of this change but I propose that it is not in itself the primary criterion of creolization, which must be defined in social and functional terms. Comparing the linguistic forms produced by rural and urban speakers, and by urban adults and children (both monolingual and bilingual), the thesis discusses what changes are initiated by adults for whom Pijin has become the primary language, and what changes emanate from the""nativizing" generation.},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {phdthesis}
}
Solcmon Islands· Pijin,. the least well documented dialect ·of Melanesian Pidgin, has been for a century a second and secondary language, a lingua franca of piantations and administration. As with Tok Pisin and Bislama, Pijin has long been expanded and stabilized to a degre far beyond the pidgins whose transformation into creoles has beccme a focus of universalist grarrrnatical theory. The thesis argues that Pijin, like Tok Pisin and Bislama, is undergoinq creolization. But this, it is proposed, is not primarily a process of nativization, whereby Pijin is becoming the mother tongue of mono1inqua1 speakers. It is a concomitant of urbanization, particularly in Honiara, where Pijin has become the mair language for a substantial stable population. Urban life creates a set of conditions, for which I introduce the term "creolicity", which provide the context in which a secondary lingua franca becomes the main language of a community. Under conditions of · creolicity, the first generation of speakers for whom such a pidgin becomes the primary linguistic medium of everyday life. comprises adults who learned it non-natively. The emergence of nativization, in the generation of their children, is a natural concomitant of this change but I propose that it is not in itself the primary criterion of creolization, which must be defined in social and functional terms. Comparing the linguistic forms produced by rural and urban speakers, and by urban adults and children (both monolingual and bilingual), the thesis discusses what changes are initiated by adults for whom Pijin has become the primary language, and what changes emanate from the""nativizing" generation.
Jourdan, Christine
Creolisation, nativisation or substrate influence: what is happening to bae in Solomon Islands Pijin Journal Article
In: Scholarly, vol. 0, no. 72, pp. 67-96, 1985.
@article{Jourdan1985b,
title = {Creolisation, nativisation or substrate influence: what is happening to bae in Solomon Islands Pijin},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.15144/PL-A72.67},
year = {1985},
date = {1985-01-01},
journal = {Scholarly},
volume = {0},
number = {72},
pages = {67-96},
abstract = {Bae , ba bae , bambae and ¢ (hereafter referred to as bae markers) are among the possibilities available to a contemporary speaker of Solomons Pij in to express what we group under our notions of future or conditional . The slots in which each of these elements are likely to appear in a sentence are multiple . So are the possibilities of linking them with conditional markers like sapos , if etc . ,
or time delimiters like taem , t umo ro, a s tede etc . In many cases , a combination of time delimiters and conditional markers is used in conjunction with bae markers . In other cases bae markers stand on their own in the sentences . Some speakers (the old ones particularly) tend not to use the bae markers on a regular basis; in their speech , bae markers appear to be in free variation with ¢ when
the sentence is fronted by a time delimiter marker , or a conditional marker ; or in free variation with prepositions marking the passage of time ( i .e. den , b i haen ) ; or simply the value of the absent bae marker is conveyed by the context .
In this paper ! we shall look how the bae markers are incorporated in the speech of many speakers of Solomons Pijin, young and old , men and women, and for whom the Pi jin is either a second language or a mother tongue . We shall study the behaviour of the bae markers in an historical perspective to focus finally on their behaviour in contemporary Pijin, particularly in the speech of urban Pijin speakers . We shall try at the same time to assess the influences of creolisation or substratum languages, if any , on such a lingui stic device . The main claim in this paper will be that insofar as bae markers are concerned , nativisation does not seem to be the discriminant factor of change , as the main heuristic criterion is the opposition between main language and secondary
language , rather than the traditional opposition between mother tongue and second language . I will argue that it is not necessary for a pidgin to become nativised to undergo changes linked to its functions as main language of an urban community , and therefore to become creolised : hence the impact of nativisation need only be minimal . A pidgin becomes a creole not because it has acquired native speakers, but because both the traditional contexts of use and the traditional sociolinguistic position of its speakers have changed . Nativisation is not a causal factor of creolisation . It is only one of many aspects that creolisation takes, and if we want to push the idea further , nativisation is only one of the results of pre-existing ' creolicity '. This study will show, as well , that so far as bae markers are concerned , there is more continuity between the speech or urban speakers of Pijin for whom it is a mother tongue and the speech of urban speakers of Pij in for whom it is a second
language , than there is continuity between the speech of urban speakers of Pijin as a second language and the speech of rural speakers of Pij in as a second language . We shall see as well that nativisation of the language does not seem to affect as yet the position of bae markers in the sentences or the frequency of redundant constructions employing bae markers with conditional
markers and time delimiters.
},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
Bae , ba bae , bambae and ¢ (hereafter referred to as bae markers) are among the possibilities available to a contemporary speaker of Solomons Pij in to express what we group under our notions of future or conditional . The slots in which each of these elements are likely to appear in a sentence are multiple . So are the possibilities of linking them with conditional markers like sapos , if etc . ,
or time delimiters like taem , t umo ro, a s tede etc . In many cases , a combination of time delimiters and conditional markers is used in conjunction with bae markers . In other cases bae markers stand on their own in the sentences . Some speakers (the old ones particularly) tend not to use the bae markers on a regular basis; in their speech , bae markers appear to be in free variation with ¢ when
the sentence is fronted by a time delimiter marker , or a conditional marker ; or in free variation with prepositions marking the passage of time ( i .e. den , b i haen ) ; or simply the value of the absent bae marker is conveyed by the context .
In this paper ! we shall look how the bae markers are incorporated in the speech of many speakers of Solomons Pijin, young and old , men and women, and for whom the Pi jin is either a second language or a mother tongue . We shall study the behaviour of the bae markers in an historical perspective to focus finally on their behaviour in contemporary Pijin, particularly in the speech of urban Pijin speakers . We shall try at the same time to assess the influences of creolisation or substratum languages, if any , on such a lingui stic device . The main claim in this paper will be that insofar as bae markers are concerned , nativisation does not seem to be the discriminant factor of change , as the main heuristic criterion is the opposition between main language and secondary
language , rather than the traditional opposition between mother tongue and second language . I will argue that it is not necessary for a pidgin to become nativised to undergo changes linked to its functions as main language of an urban community , and therefore to become creolised : hence the impact of nativisation need only be minimal . A pidgin becomes a creole not because it has acquired native speakers, but because both the traditional contexts of use and the traditional sociolinguistic position of its speakers have changed . Nativisation is not a causal factor of creolisation . It is only one of many aspects that creolisation takes, and if we want to push the idea further , nativisation is only one of the results of pre-existing ' creolicity '. This study will show, as well , that so far as bae markers are concerned , there is more continuity between the speech or urban speakers of Pijin for whom it is a mother tongue and the speech of urban speakers of Pij in for whom it is a second
language , than there is continuity between the speech of urban speakers of Pijin as a second language and the speech of rural speakers of Pij in as a second language . We shall see as well that nativisation of the language does not seem to affect as yet the position of bae markers in the sentences or the frequency of redundant constructions employing bae markers with conditional
markers and time delimiters.
or time delimiters like taem , t umo ro, a s tede etc . In many cases , a combination of time delimiters and conditional markers is used in conjunction with bae markers . In other cases bae markers stand on their own in the sentences . Some speakers (the old ones particularly) tend not to use the bae markers on a regular basis; in their speech , bae markers appear to be in free variation with ¢ when
the sentence is fronted by a time delimiter marker , or a conditional marker ; or in free variation with prepositions marking the passage of time ( i .e. den , b i haen ) ; or simply the value of the absent bae marker is conveyed by the context .
In this paper ! we shall look how the bae markers are incorporated in the speech of many speakers of Solomons Pijin, young and old , men and women, and for whom the Pi jin is either a second language or a mother tongue . We shall study the behaviour of the bae markers in an historical perspective to focus finally on their behaviour in contemporary Pijin, particularly in the speech of urban Pijin speakers . We shall try at the same time to assess the influences of creolisation or substratum languages, if any , on such a lingui stic device . The main claim in this paper will be that insofar as bae markers are concerned , nativisation does not seem to be the discriminant factor of change , as the main heuristic criterion is the opposition between main language and secondary
language , rather than the traditional opposition between mother tongue and second language . I will argue that it is not necessary for a pidgin to become nativised to undergo changes linked to its functions as main language of an urban community , and therefore to become creolised : hence the impact of nativisation need only be minimal . A pidgin becomes a creole not because it has acquired native speakers, but because both the traditional contexts of use and the traditional sociolinguistic position of its speakers have changed . Nativisation is not a causal factor of creolisation . It is only one of many aspects that creolisation takes, and if we want to push the idea further , nativisation is only one of the results of pre-existing ' creolicity '. This study will show, as well , that so far as bae markers are concerned , there is more continuity between the speech or urban speakers of Pijin for whom it is a mother tongue and the speech of urban speakers of Pij in for whom it is a second
language , than there is continuity between the speech of urban speakers of Pijin as a second language and the speech of rural speakers of Pij in as a second language . We shall see as well that nativisation of the language does not seem to affect as yet the position of bae markers in the sentences or the frequency of redundant constructions employing bae markers with conditional
markers and time delimiters.
1983
Jourdan, Christine
Mort du " Kanaka Pidgin English " à Mackay, Australie Journal Article
In: Anthropologie et Sociétés, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 77-96, 1983.
@article{Jourdan1983,
title = {Mort du " Kanaka Pidgin English " à Mackay, Australie},
author = {Christine Jourdan},
doi = {10.7202/006155ar},
year = {1983},
date = {1983-01-01},
journal = {Anthropologie et Sociétés},
volume = {7},
number = {3},
pages = {77-96},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}
1981
Jourdan, Christine; Aléong, Stanley
Sale on sale or the dangers of overcorrection Journal Article
In: Meta: Journal des traducteurs, vol. 26, no. 2, pp. 148, 1981.
@article{Jourdan1981,
title = {Sale on sale or the dangers of overcorrection},
author = {Christine Jourdan and Stanley Aléong},
doi = {10.7202/001868ar},
year = {1981},
date = {1981-01-01},
journal = {Meta: Journal des traducteurs},
volume = {26},
number = {2},
pages = {148},
keywords = {},
pubstate = {published},
tppubtype = {article}
}